Votive Offerings for Artemis Hemera (Lousoi) and their Significance1
p. 255-271
Résumés
In this article, a choice of votive offerings for Artemis Hemera at Lousoi is discussed, viewed under various aspects. They are divided into three groups, according to what they may tell us about the owner of the sanctuary. The first group includes those objects which can also be offered to other goddesses. The second group of votives indicates the goddess Artemis generally, but not specifically the Artemis of Lousoi. Finally, we present a third group of small objects which seem to be directly linked to the sanctuary at Lousoi. They are seen in relation to the epithets/epicleseis of the goddess, and throw light on some activities in the sanctuary. The Hemerasia included competitions in dromos, diaulos and chariot race. Ephebes, in order to prove their bravery, had to undergo some form of test, such as the hunting of a wild animal. Some objects point to musical contests. We gain the impression that various activities took part in the sanctuary in relation with the initiation of young girls and boys; they gathered in order to compete in honour of the goddess as part of their education before entering the adult world.
Cet article discute de quelques offrandes faites à Artemis Hemera à Lousoi, envisagées sous différents aspects. Les offrandes sont divisées en trois groupes, selon ce qu’elles peuvent nous dire à propos de la divinité liée au sanctuaire. Le premier groupe inclut les objets qui peuvent être dédiés à d’autres déesses également. Le deuxième groupe votif concerne la déesse Artémis en général et pas spécialement l’Artémis de Lousoi. Enfin, le troisième groupe de petits objets présentés semble être directement lié au sanctuaire de Lousoi. Ces groupes sont étudiés en relation avec les épithètes/épiclèses de la déesse et éclairent quelques activités liées au sanctuaire. Les Hemerasia comportaient des compétitions de courses à pied, de diaulos et des courses de char. Les éphèbes, afin de prouver leur bravoure, devaient réussir des sortes de tests, comme chasser un animal sauvage. Certains objets évoquent les concours musicaux. Nous avons donc l’impresion que des activités variées prenaient place dans le sanctuaire, en liaison avec l’initiation des jeunes filles et des jeunes gens; on les pratiquait pour concourir en l’honneur de la déesse et c’était une part de leur éducation avant d’entrer dans le monde adulte.
Texte intégral
1The significance of the votive offerings found in the sanctuary of Artemis Hemera at Lousoi has been a subject of reflection and discussion since their discovery. Whenever we thought that we had found sufficient answers, doubts arose again, because some votives can be interpreted under different aspects, and this leads to different conclusions. Trying to emphasize some of these points of view, I choose from the given questionnaire those questions which can be brought to bear on our votives and I organized this paper accordingly.
1. The sanctuary: its topography and chronologies. The goddess
2The sanctuary of Artemis Hemera at Lousoi — to the south of the modern town of Kalavryta (ancient Kynaitha) — was identified1 in 1897 on the North slope of Prophet Elias, which closes the high valley of Soudena to the South. Situated in the densely wooded area of the Aroanian mountains (Helmos), it belonged at the time of Pausanias to Arcadia,2 while at the time of Bakchylides3 to Achaia, or at least to the border area between the two Provinces4.
3Adolf Wilhelm and Wolfgang Reichel carried out excavations in three campaigns in the years 1898 and 1899 concentrating their activities on the sanctuary, which lies on two terraces5 (Fig. 1): They identified the buildings which came to light on the lower terrace as krene, bouleuterion, propylon. On the upper terrace, they uncovered the foundations of the Hellenistic temple with its well known, uncanonical plan, featuring a large hall on either side of the cella.6 85 years later work was taken up again under the direction of the author.7
4The sanctuary has a dominating position on the rocky ledge, overlooking the eastern part of the high valley. The presence of votive offerings proves that it was visited by dedicants from late geometric times onwards. The architectural remnants though — the foundations of the big temple (Fig. 2) and of a smaller one to the east of it — belong to the second half of the fourth and the third centuries B.C. Only some architectural terracottas, —roof tiles and antefixes — are evidence, that some sacral buildings had existed in the sixth century8
Fig. 1
5Several written sources give information on myth and history: texts by Bakchylides,9 Kallimachos,10 Polybios,11 and Pausanias speak of the sanctuary.12 Small bronze inscriptions of the fourth and third centuries fixed on the door of the so called propylon mention resolutions of the polis of Lousoi on awards of proxenia, euergesia and thearodokia. Inscriptions dated between the third century B.C. and the first century A.D. tell us about young athletes who were victorious at the Hemerasia, the games in honour of the goddess.
6The votives from the first Austrian excavations, published by Wilhelm and Reichel in their important article in 1901, are kept in the National Museum at Athens,13 those found during our new excavations are kept mainly in the store room at the village of Kato Lousoi, and on smaller scale at the Patras Ephorate. There were also some unofficial,14 and many clandestine excavations. Small bronze objects said to come from Lousoi as a result of looting found their way to various museums and private collections. Of interest for our investigations is a complex of votives acquired by the Karlsruhe museum and partly published by Ulrich Sinn;15 they correspond to the votives from the Austrian excavations and as such are included in our studies.
Fig. 2
7The new excavations were carried out on the upper terrace. Votives were found in the foundation pits and in the surrounding area of the Hellenistic temple; they also come from the so-called east-building, a small temple open to the west. Many of them were discarded and packed in a stone setting to the east of the large temple.16 Votives appear for the first time towards the end of the eighth century, they cover the seventh and sixth centuries and appear less intensely in the fifth and fourth centuries.
8The early votives are made of clay and bronze; objects of silver, iron, lead, ivory or bone, electron and amber were also offered, but in smaller numbers. At the time of the Hellenistic temple, marble statues, the usual offerings of the time to Artemis, made their appearance, as some fragments show us: small statues of Artemis, a crouching boy, a satyr from the old excavations,17 a sandaled foot and the fragment of a statue with drapery from the new excavations.18
2. The votives
9According to what they may tell us about the titular deity of the sanctuary, I divide the votives into three groups.
2.1. Objects which can also be offered to other goddesses
10An important place is taken by the jewellery: pins, fibulae, earrings, pendants, finger rings, of which only a selection is shown here. Their original number in the sanctuary is not known due to heavy looting over the centuries.19
11Similar examples are found in other Peloponnesian sanctuaries20 and on several islands.21 For some objects, regional Peloponnesian production has been proposed.22 But the place of production does not necessarily indicate direct contact with the temple. As far as Lousoi is concerned, the goods were not a product of trade. They were most probably offered by the donors from their private belongings. The reason for this hypothesis is that they vary widely in type and style and each type is represented by only a few specimens, as far as we can judge from what survives to our days. Consequently, it does not seem possible to differentiate among the donors according to the jewellery they offered, nor does the jewellery tell us anything about the goddess who received it. Finally, offered alone or together with the gowns, jewellery does not always allows us to specify the sex of the donor. Pins and fibulae were worn and offered by women as well as by men, as the situation in graves shows23 and as we see on various representations, for instance on the cloaks of Arcadian shepherds from the Lykaion.24
12Coins in the temple area are rare. Two silver coins from the nearby town of Pheneos, dated to the late fifth/ early fourth century, and to the early fourth century, are remarkable; they show a bull and a goat on their reverse.25 These two coins from Pheneos were certainly brought by visitors, but what can we conclude? That there were two visitors bringing one coin each, or one visitor, bringing two coins? And do we suppose, that the visitor or visitors came directly from Pheneos, or from somewhere else, bringing two lovely coins from his or their private purse? We might even go further and assume, that the visitors wanted to express a special wish, that they offered the coins for the symbolism of their pictures, two animals important for agricultural life.
13Another votive arouses our interest. A geometric bronze scarab (Fig. 3 a-b) is one of a small group, there are only six other examples, four from Olympia, and two others in private collections with no known provenience.26 Our example is the work of a Laconian craftsman, as the perforated base with the curling snake shows, but the place of fabrication is unknown. W.-D. Heilmeyer, who studied the six examples, excludes for political reasons production of those examples in Laconia itself and proposes that they were produced by wandering Laconian metoekes directly in the sanctuary at Olympia. As we don’t have any proof for local production of cast bronze examples in the sanctuary at Lousoi, the piece must have been brought by a visitor from another centre, unknown to us, perhaps Olympia.
Fig. 3a
Fig. 3b
14Which is the meaning of the bronze scarab? By studying the character and life of the insect, I concluded, that it was offered to a goddess, who was concerned with the protection of nature, crops or animals, asking her to watch over a herd of cattle or a flock of sheep, and the growth of fields. So the votive may have concerned several goddesses, but in our special case it is offered to Artemis, and again we may draw a conclusion about the donor: he was a farmer.
15A number of objects are made of sheet bronze with impressed decoration: tongues, semicircles, dots, etc.27 The examples, which belong to the group of jewellery28 again tell us very little about the bringers of the offerings.29 But some of these votives, cut out from a bronze sheet, may have had a more special meaning.
Fig. 4
16The gift of two cocks, one of them attached to a stick, as was probably also the second one (Fig. 4), can be interpreted in various ways :30 as an apotropaion, alluding to victory or to fighting,31 or as a gift of love.32 It may also have been offered by a poor individual as a more durable version of a live gift.33
17Another example points to the world of farmers, who ask or give thanks for protection of the animals which were important to their households. A sheep dog (Fig. 5), his fur indicated by slashing, today kept in the Karlsruhe-collection,34 represents the devoted companion of the farmer’s household.
Fig. 5
18Some of the 450 terracotta statuettes found in the excavations35 may help us resolve the problem of similar dedications made to different goddesses.
19It has been stressed often enough36 that the character and style of a statuette alone, unless it shows special characteristics and carries an attribute, is not a safe indication for identifying the personality of a goddess, if we don’t know the owner of the sanctuary. It could be brought to the sanctuary by the visitor from any centre he or she came from, specially if there were workshops nearby. It thus may be just a gift, which seemed precious enough to the visitor to be offered.
20To our first group of votives, which can be offered to various goddesses who protect life in general, belong two statuettes of the so called Spes-Type, direct imports from Corinth.37
2.2. Votives for Artemis but not specially the Artemis of Lousoi
21To this group we count the statuettes, also of Corinthian import, that hold a bow and a young animal.38
22In our first or second group are the xoanon-like female clay statuettes, represented in Lousoi by six examples, of which only one is nearly complete, preserving the upper part of the body with the head (Fig. 6). The statuettes are mould made, their hands are either outstretched or hang alongside the body, one hand may also rest on the breast. They are dressed in a long peplos with girdle and overfold, or an epiblema on the shoulders.
23Statuettes and plaques of this type are well known in the seventh and sixth centuries from various centres, they flourished in Crete39 and Laconia,40 they are found in Perachora41 and in Magna Grecia.42 Behind them we recognize works of large-scale sculpture, such as the “lady from Auxerre”, to which group N. Stampolides has recently added the lower part of a similar statue from Eleutherna in Western Crete, both of the seventh century.43
24Next to these statues in stone, large-scale works in clay were created. From Magna Grecia comes the impressive clay statue of the “Dame de Sybaris”, which F. Croissant reconstructed from various fragments to a height of more than 35 cm.44 Sometimes the dresses of these statuettes are elaborately decorated, as is the dress of the “Dame de Sybaris”, and those shown on the ivory plaque from Megara Hyblaia (24 cm high),45 on the clay plaque from East Crete in the Louvre46 and on the ivory plaque from the Idaian cave.47
Fig. 6
25Larger clay statuettes were also produced, from ca 540 BC onwards, in the neighbourhood of Lousoi, in the sanctuary of a female deity at Gortsouli in Arcadian Mantineia, the largest reaching 38 cm.48 In the sanctuary and in the surrounding region smaller statuettes were found as well, to which the Lousoi statuettes can be compared.49
26The statuette from Lousoi seems to be locally made, as indicated by its clay and by some errors in manufacture, and we can see a tendency to adapt the headdress specially to Lousoi.50 Whereas the headdress of statuettes of this type consists mainly of a polos, which in some cases is decorated with leaves,51 the upper part of the headdress of the Lousoi example resembles the corolla of a pomegranate or a poppy-capsule.52 In this connection we remember, that Bakchylides calls the maidens ϰαλυϰοστεφάνους ϰούρας, the bud wreath girls.53
2.3. Votives closely connected with Lousoi
27Before presenting the third group of our offerings, we should shortly discuss the epiclesis phenomenon, which in itself seems to determine the vocation of the goddess.
28We are lucky to know not only the owner of the sanctuary, but also some epithets or epicleseis from the written sources, inscriptions engraved or incised on several small objects, and from the authors and poets. Kallimachos in his hymn to Artemis names her Hemera, as she is called on some inscriptions.54 According to Madeleine Jost, this name “sans doute propitiatoire à l’origine reçut une valeur factitive, et une douceur apaisante fut attribuée à la déesse.”55 Hemera is translated as calming the wild animals, but it may also mean the taming of the three mad daughters of king Proitos and in consequence, of any “mad” daughters! Pausanias (VIII, 18, 8) mentions her as Hemerasia, which alludes, according to A. Wilhelm, to the games in honour of the goddess.56 We find the name of these games, the Hemerasia, on inscriptions dated between the third century B.C. and the first century AD.
29In his 11th poem, Bakchylides connects the sanctuary of Lousoi with Meta-pontum, and gives the goddess several epithets. She is Theroskopos, Toxoklytos, Agrotera, she is also Chrysolakatos, and, finally, he calls her Chrysea Despoina Laon.
30These epithets and epicleseis describe her characteristics and her activities. In nature, her occupations are hunting as well as caring for the wild animals. In the city and in the households, she concerns herself with spinning, which means the well organized life in town and at home. The wide range of her activities reflects her concern for young girls on their road from childhood to the adult world. This is — according to several studies57 — the picture Bakchylides paints by describing the hardship the Proitids had to suffer in the forests of mountainous Peloponnese, and their final release from their suffering by Artemis Hemera, who intervenes with Hera. After healing is completed, the girls consecrate in gratitude a temenos and an altar to Artemis, marking their entrance into the civilized and civic world.
Fig. 7
31The poet evidently refers to ceremonies carried out in the sanctuary and this leads to one more of the proposed questions: Could we characterize certain functions and certain traits of personality from the offerings?
32At this point the third group of our votives may be presented, because they seem to be directly related to the sanctuary at Lousoi and its goddess. We move to less safe ground, but I think one may propose a hypothesis.58
33Six fragments of locally made clay statuettes represent the nude bodies of slim, very young girls (Fig. 7). They remind us of the bronze statuettes of Laconian girls, some of them free standing, others forming the handles of mirrors,59 which have been connected with dances and competitions in honour of Artemis Orthia.60 The girls are represented in the age, in which they would come to the sanctuary to celebrate an important moment of their life, their passing from the time of free childhood to the organized life of married women. They in consequence may be compared to the young girls dancing and running on the krateriskoi found in Brauron and elsewhere in Attica, published by L. Kahil.61
34Small cylindrical spools, cut out from sheet bronze, sometimes quite simple and without decoration, sometimes decorated with the known repoussé elements, were, as Ulrich Sinn has suggested,62 most probably used to bind together locks of boys’ hair and, I would add, also of girls’ hair, which were cut off during, and offered at, initiation and marriage ceremonies.63
35An interesting group from the end of the fourth or the early third century, is represented by ten small boxes or fragments of them, made either of cut-out bronze-sheet, or assembled from cast bronze parts. The covers are hinged and connected to the body by bronze sheet rolled around lead rods.64 Two examples carry inscriptions in the dotted writing, characteristic for the Lousoi inscriptions, one from the new excavations,65 and the other one from the market, added to the Lousoi repertoire by Wilhelm.66 On the first one (Fig. 8) we read Ἀρεξίδαμος Ἀρτέ[μιδι], on the second one, Ἀγάθων ἀνέθηϰε. We don’t know where the little boxes were made; those cut out from sheet bronze could have been produced locally, and the characteristic stippled lettering with punched dots also lead to Lousoi. They perhaps contained an object, which the owners first used during ceremonies in the sanctuary and then offered to the goddess as a votive.67 The fact, that the inscriptions mention only the names of men, probably young ones, is remarkable. No box with the inscription of a female name has come to light. These may not have been an unusual type of offerings68 and our lack of female dedicants’ names may be accidental, but we may conclude that men left offerings in the Sanctuary of a female goddess, in this case, Artemis.
36So along with the girls, we detect the presence of men, of undefined age Who were they? In order to understand the situation, we must again consult the written sources.
Fig. 9
37First, let us consider again the story of young Alexidamos, whom Bakchylides praises in his 11th epini-kion. According to R. Merkelbach,69 the first part of the poem, already lost in antiquity, must have referred to his victory at the Hemerasia of Lousoi, after his disappointing experience in Olympia. Two points may indeed support this theory. First, the poem is the only reference we have to the connection between Lousoi, the Achaeans and Metapontum. Why should the story be told if not for a special event stressing the boy’s presence in Lousoi. In this case, we could conclude, that contests took place in Lousoi already in the fifth century Β. C. Second, the resemblance of the two names, of Alexidamos from Metapont, victorious at the games, and of Arexidamos written on the small box, is striking.
38Four inscriptions speak of the victories of boys — paides, agenaioi or andres — at the Hemerasia in Hellenistic and early Roman times.70 They came from Thouria in Messene, from Aighion, from Alexandria Troas and from Perge,71 both in Asia Minor, and took part in competitions of dromos and diaulos72 and in chariot race.73
39In addition to the games, it seems that there were other activities for young people in the sanctuary. Ephebes, in order to prove their bravery, had to undergo some test. One of the tasks was the hunting of a wild animal,74 part of which was offered afterwards to the goddess.
Fig. 10
40In relation with these activities we mention “the important number of large deer antlers, as well as enormous teeth of bear and boar,” found in two places on the lower terrace of the sanctuary during the first excavations. The excavators75 interpreted them as votives offered by hunters.
41One object connected with hunters and found in our context, may point to the bravery of young men in the world of Artemis Hemera of Lousoi. It is a deer-antler, made of solid bronze, found during the first excavations (Fig. 9).76 We add the bronze statuette of a deer, said to come from Lousoi, originally kept in Berlin.77 The deer belongs to the world of wilderness so characteristic of Artemis, and the small bronzes were gifts of hunters.
42Finally, two small bronze statuettes, said to come from Lousoi,78 point to musical competitions. One is kept in Berlin (Fig. 10),79 the second one in a private collection, with indication “from the temple at Lousoi”. They both represent nude young men who hold a lyre in their left arm. To this, U. Sinn adds a plektron from the Lousoi collection in Karlsruhe.80 He identified the two statuettes with Apollo and brought them into relation with musical competitions. I agree fully with him about the musical competitions, but I prefer to identify the statuettes as of young boys having competed successfully. As says Max Wegner: “the boys competed in the lyre and still held it in their arms when they stood on the podium receiving the laurel.”81
43After the above remarks, we can define several groups of visitors to the sanctuary, in its first phase as well as during Hellenistic times. Parents and other members of a family would accompany children and ephebes, who took part in musical and athletic competitions. Officials and trainers looked after athletes.82 We are tempted to extend our reflections: Not only the athletic inscriptions indicate non-local participation in the activities of the cult. The small bronze decrees in honour of proxenoi inform us about the relations, which the polis of Lousoi, and certainly also the sanctuary of Artemis, cultivated with other centres in the Peloponnese and north of the Corinthian gulf.83 If we assume that the functions of proxenoi included also the obligation to look after worshipers and athletes who visited the sanctuary, we might conclude that these honorary inscriptions give additional information on some of the visitors’ origins.
Conclusion
44Most of the votives offered in the sanctuary belong to well known groups, which were also offered in other sanctuaries and to other goddesses.84 We can not exclude, however, the possibility that a small group of objects is tightly connected with the sanctuary at Lousoi. They reflect the image of a goddess, who protected nature and concerned herself with matters of private and public life, not least, in relation to the bringing-up of healthy children. They shed light on some dromena, that took place in her honour, but they never give any information about the actual ritual activities. We can, however, deduce that the educational character of Artemis Hemera prevailed at Lousoi as in other sanctuaries of the goddess.85
45Young people gathered in the sanctuary of Artemis Hemera, in order to compete in her honour in musical and gymnastic competitions as part of their education before they entered the well organized adult life.86
List of Illustrations
46Fig. 1. Map of the sanctuary of Artemis Hemera (drawn by G. Ladstätter).
47Fig. 2. The foundations of the temple of Artemis (photo by G. Ladstàtter).
48Fig. 3 a-b. The Geometric bronze scarab (photo by V. von Eickstedt).
49Fig. 4. Bronze cocks (drawing see Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), figs. 65, 66).
50Fig. 5. Sheep dog (Karlsruhe, see Sinn, l.c. (n. 15), fig. 15.
51Fig. 6. Clay statuette with elaborate headdress (Lousoi, photo by V. von Eickstedt).
52Fig. 7. Fragments of nude girls (Lousoi, photo by V. von Eickstedt).
53Fig. 8. Fragment of box offered by Arexidamos (Lousoi, drawing by C. Lepeniotis).
54Fig. 9. Deer antler (drawing see Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), fig. 115).
55Fig. 10. Bronze statuette of boy with lyre (Berlin, photo see Sinn, l.c. (n. 15), fig. 12).
Notes de bas de page
1 By Wilhelm Doerpfeld and Adolf Wilhelm.
2 Pausanias, VIII, 18, 7.
3 Bakchylides, Epinikion for Alexidamos of Metapont (11).
4 V. Mitsopoulou-Leon, “Οι Λουσοί στην πρώιμη εποχή,” in T. Gritsopoulos, IK. Kotsonis, I. Giannapoulou (eds.), Πραϰτιϰά του Ζ᾽ Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου Πελοποννησιαϰών Σπουδών, Πύργος — Γαστούνη — Αμαλιάδα 11—17 Σεπτεμβρίου 2005, Athens, 2006, p. 433-453.
5 W. Reichel, A. Wilhelm, “Das Heiligtum der Artemis zu Lusoi,” ÖJh 4 (1901), p. 1-89.
6 Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), fig. 14, fig. 16; G. Ladstätter, “Der Artemistempel von Lousoi,” in V. Mitsopoulos-Leon (ed.), Forschungen in der Peloponnes. Akten des Symposions anlàsslich der Feier „100 Jahre Österreichisches Archàologisches Institut Athen”, Athen 5.3.-7.3.1998, Athen, 2001 (ÖAI, Sonderschriften 38), p. 143-153.
7 Excavations in the sanctuary were conducted alternatively with the work in the residential area in the years between 1983 and 2000; see reports since 1983, ÖJh 55 (1984), Beibl., p. 133.
8 V. Mitsopoulos-Leon, “Lousoi nach hundert Jahren,” in Mitsopoulos-Leon (ed.), o.c. (n. 6), p. 143-153; ead., (n. 4); C. Schauer, “Πήλινες ϰεραμώσεις στους Λουσούς (αρχαία Αρϰαδία),” in Gritsopoulos, Kotsonis, Giannapoulou (eds.), o.c. (n. 4), p. 65-80.
9 Bakchylides, Epinikion for Alexidamos of Metapont (11).
10 Hymn to Artemis, 236.
11 IV, 18, 9; IV 25, 4.
12 Pausanias, VIII, 18, 7.
13 Partly in the show cases of the bronze collection, and partly in the store rooms of the National museum; during the first excavations votives were found on the lower terrace, where exact indications are given, and also on the upper terrace, without further indications.
14 Carried out in 1901 by a local landowner; some objects from this excavation are kept in the National Museum in Athens; they are not discussed here.
15 U. Sinn, “Ein Fundkomplex aus dem Artemis-Heiligtum von Lusoi im Badischen Lan- desmuseum,” Jahrbuch der Staatlichen Kunstsammlungen in Baden-Wurttemberg 17 (1980), p. 25-40, no. 1, and 3; in the years 1897 and 1897, ca 115 votives were acquired by the Karlsruhe Museum, nos. F 1925-F 2034; a second group went to Berlin; as Sinn remarks, unfortunately, during the war most of the pieces were lost.
16 Mitsopoulos-Leon, Zc. (n. 8), fig. 1, pl. 16,1, 2.
17 Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 45-47, fig. 54-59, plus two fragments from the new excavations.
18 T 1/86, T 29/86; they had been built in the little church of the Panaghia above the foundations of the temple of Artemis.
19 From the new excavations we count totally ca 365 small objects, including ca 50 simple bronze rings, 65 objects of bronze sheet, several iron nails.
20 For ex. M. Voyatzis, The Early Sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea, Goteborg 1990, p. 203, 209 and passim; H. Philipp, Olympische Forschungen XIII. Bronzeschmuck aus Olympia, Berlin, 1981, passim; I. StrØm, “The Early Sanctuary of the Argive Heraion and its External Relations (8th— Early 6th cent. BC.). The Greek Geometric Bronzes”, in Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens 1, Aarhus, 1996, p. 37-127; R.M Dawkins, “The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta,” JHS Suppl. 5 (1929); H. Payne et al., Perachora, The Sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Limenia, Excavations of the British School of Archaeology at Athens, 1930-1933, Oxford, 1940, pl. 18, no. 16; pl. 72, p. 74-76.
21 E. Simantoni-Bournia, “Κοσμήματα από το Ιερό των Υρίων,” Αρχαιογνωσία (2002), p. 141-154; A. Mazarakis, C. Mitsopoulou, “Κύθνος, Από την επιφανειαϰή έρευνα στην ανα-σϰαφή: Το Ιερό της Αρχαίας Κύθνου,” in Επαθλων. Αρχαιολογιϰό Συνέδριο προς Τιμήν του Αδώνιδος Κ Κύρου, Πόρος, 7-9 Ιουνίου 2002, Athens, 2007, fig. 102, 104, 106.
22 Philipp, o.c. (n. 20), p. 44, 270ff.; StrØm, l.c. (n. 20), p. 71, fig. 35.
23 I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, Nadeln derfrUhhelladischen Ibis archaischen Zeit von der Peloponnes, Munich, 1984 (PB XIII, 8), p. 160 sq., p. 297f.; ead., Kleinfunde aus dem Itonia-Heiligtum bei Philia, Thessalien, Bonn, 2002, p. 221f.
24 W. Lamb, “Arcadian bronze Statuettes,” ABSA 27 (1925-1926), p. 138, nos. 13-14, pl. 24; P. Jacobsthal, Greek Pins and their Connections with Europe and Asia, Oxford, 1956, p. 106, no. 330; U. Hübinger, “Bronzestatuetten aus dem “Pan”-Heiligtum am Sudabhang des Lykaion,” in O. Palagia, W. Coulson (eds.), Sculpture from Arcadia and Laconia, Oxford, 1993, p. 25-31 fig. 1.
25 N 1/89, N 2/89, SNG Cop. nos. 271-272, ca 421-362 BC. and no. 273, after 362 BC; we owe the attribution and chronology to Dr. A. Oikonomidou, honorary director of the Numis- matic Museum in Athens, who prepares the coins from Lousoi for publication; for N 2/89 see A. Oikonomidou, “Τα ανασϰαφιϰά νομίσματα των Λουσών, μία πρώτη προσέγγυση,” in Amicitiae Gratia, Τόμος στη Μνήμη Α. Σταυρίδη, Athens, 2008, p. 93-106, ειϰ. 1, ια.
26 K. Schefold, Meisterwerke griechischer Kunst, Bâle, 1960, fig. 94; J. Dörig, Art Antique. Collections privées de Suisse romande, Genève, 1975, fig. 99; W.-D. Heilmeyer, Olympische Forschungen XII. FrUhe olympische Bronzfiguren, Berlin, p. 190f., no 948-950, pl. 121; id., FrUhgriechische Kunst, Kunst und Siedlung im geometrischen Griechenland, Berlin, 1982, p. 20 fig. 11; V. Mitsopoulos-Leon, “Ein geometrischer Bronzekàfer aus dem Artemisheiligtum in Lousoi,” in Γενεθλιων. Ἰδρυμα Ν.Π. Γουλανδρή, Μουσείο Κυϰλαδιϰής Τέχνης, Athens, 2006, p. 87-93.
27 For some of these we don’t exclude local production, as the process did not need impor- tant installations, although similar objects occur elsewhere, cf. with lit., J.K. Papadopoulos, La dea di Sibari e il Santuario ritrovato. The Archaic Votive Metal Objects, Studi sui rinventimenti dal Tempone e Motta di Francavilla Maritima, II. 1, Rome, 2003, p. 92 sq., fig. 119-121, 123, 124, pl. 9a, fig. 126, fig. 127, fig. 129.
28 Diadems, bracelets, pinheads in the shape of circular discs; cf. some examples Reichel, Wilhelm, I.e. (n. 5), fig. 102-110.
29 Three phialai, one certainly decorated with impressed motifs, were found during the old excavations, see Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 50; another one comes from the new excava- tions, Ae 11/97; they may first have been used for some kind of libation and then be left at the sanctuary as a votive offering.
30 Reichel, Wilhelm, Ic. (n. 5), p. 49, figs. 65, 66; W. Otto, s.v. “Huhn,” RE VIII 2 (1913), col. 2531-2536; C. Hünemörder, s.v. “Huhn,” Neue Pauly V (1998), col. 749-751.
31 S. Isager, E. Skydsgaard, Ancient Greek Agriculture. An Introduction, London/New York, 1995, p. 95.
32 W.H.D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings, Cambridge, 1902, p. 297f., 300, and passim; J. POLLARD, Birds in Greek Life and Myth, London, 1977, passim; for cocks made of bronze sheet from the Sanctuary of Athena Soteira and Poseidon near Asea, K. Romaios, “Το Ιερόν Αθηνάς Σωτείρας ϰαι Ποσειδώνος,” AE (1957), p. 114-167, 148, figs. 38-41; large cocks of bronze sheet from Olympia, see H. Philipp, Olympische Forschungen XXX. Archaische Silhouettenbleche und Schild- Zeichen in Olympia, Berlin, 2004, p. 352-361, nos. 72-78, pls. 80-84, specially no. 355 with further literature; A Schwarzmaier, “„Ich werde immer Kore heiBen” — Zur Grabstele der Polyxena in der Berliner Antikensammlung,” JdI 121 (2006) [2007], p. 175-226, 189.
33 Rouse, o.c. (n. 32), p. 204, p. 285, p. 297; in the area of the temple of Artemis at Lousoi were also found the spurred legs of three terracotta cocks.
34 Sinn, I.e. (n. 15), p. 36, fig. 15.
35 Ca 250 from the old, 200 from the new excavations.
36 L. Kahil, s.v. “Artemis,” LIMC II (1984) p. 741; F. Croissant, Lesprotomés féminines archaï- ques, Paris, 1983, p. 4; V. Mitsopoulos-Leon, “Tonstatuetten aus Elis, Zu Heiligtümern weiblicher Gottheiten: Funde aus einem Bothros im Bereich der Agora,” ÖJh 70, (2001) [2002], p. 85, 86.
37 Tk 3/87, Tk 4a/87; see A. Stillwell, Corinth XV, 2. The Potters’ Quarter. The Terracottas, Princeton, 1952, p. 84, 86ff., Type X, 4.
38 Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), fig. 25 and three fragments of the new excavations, Tk 4b/87, Tk 23/89 and Tk 7/95, see R.A. Higgins, Catalogue of the Terracottas in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum I, London, 1954, no. 907.
39 For two examples see R.A. Higgins, Greek Terracottas, New York, 1967, p. 28, pl 10 D, a simple draped statuette from Knossos, mid-7th cent., Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, no. G 484, ht. 15,1 cm, and pl. 10 F, a plaque from East Crete, mid 7th cent., Louvre, Β 167, ht. 24 cm, “with unusually elaborate drapery”; for early examples, also in wood, from Crete, see A. Lebesi, “Σχέσεις Σάμου ϰαι Κρήτης στον 7ο αι.,” in N. Ch. Stampolides (ed.), Φως Κυϰλαδιϰόν, Τιμητιϰός τόμος στη μνήμη του Νίϰου Ζαφειροπούλου, Athens, 1999, p. 148-157; for further examples from Crete see St. Bôhm, Dàdalische Kunst Siziliens, Wurzburg, 2007, p. 57, no. 269.
40 Dawkins, o.c. (n. 20), types 1a-c, p. 147-148, pl. 28-30, no. 6, 31, no. 3, dated 7th- to 5th cent.
41 Payne et al, o.c. (n. 20), pl. 103, nos. 190-193; as plaques and figurines; dated late 7th till first half of 6th cent.
42 G. Olbrich, Archaische Statuetten eines Metapontiner Heiligtums, Rome, 1979, p. 100-111, A 1, A 10-A 14, A 22-A 23, pl. 1-5; end 7th — second half of 6th century; ead., “Verwandtes und Benachbartes zu den archaischen Terrakotten aus dem Demeter-Heiligtum von Herakleia”, in Β. Otto (ed.) Herakleia in Lukanien und das Quellheiligtum der Demeter, Innsbruck, 1996, p. 181-183, pl. 1, 1 and 2; F. Croissant, “Sybaris : la production artistique,” in Sibari e la Sibaritide, “Atti Taranto” XXXII, 1992, p. 539-559; id., “Crotone et Sybaris : esquisse d’une analyse historique de la koiné culturelle achéenne,” in E. Greco (ed.), Gli Achei e l’Identità etnica degli Achei d’Occidente, Atti del convegno Internazionale di studi, Paestum, 23-25 Febbraio 2001 (2002), p. 397-413, fig. 15-18; id., “Sur la diffusion de quelques modèles stylistiques corinthiens dans le monde colonial de la deuxième moitié du VIIe siècle,” RA (2003), p. 227-245; Böhm, o.c. (n. 39), figs. 65-66, 68, 76, 80, 83, 84, 86-89.
43 For the “Nikandre-Auxerre Group” see G.M.A. Richter, Korai. Archaic Greek Maidens. A Study of the Development of the Kore Type in Greek Sculpture, London, 1968, p. 23-36; for the statue from Eleutherna see N. Stampolides, Ελευθερνα. Eleutherna: Polis. Acropolis. Necropolis, Athens, 2004, p. 235sq., no. 252, dated ca 650 BC; ibid., for the statue of Auxerre, p. 236, no. 253, dated ca 640 BC; for the question of the development of large scale sculpture in Cretan art see Lebesi, l.c. (n. 39), p. 151, no. 14.
44 Croissant, I.e. (n. 42, 2002), pl. 2, figs. 8-11; id, l.c. (n. 42, 2003), p. 232, fig. 5.
45 G. Vallet, F. Villard, MEFRA 76 (1964), p. 36; Richter, o.c. (n. 43), p. 31, Nr. 15, fig. 66-67; Böhm, o.c. (n. 39), frontis piece and fig. 13, dated third quarter of 7th cent.
46 See above n. 39.
47 In the Archaeological Museum in Iraklion, no. el. 709, see Lebesi, l.c. (n. 39), p. 153, fig. 6.
48 Th. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou, “Οι ϰόρες της Μαντινείας,” ΑΔ, Α᾽ Μελέτες 56 (2001) [2006], p. 127-152, fig. 1, no. 1.
49 Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou, Lc. (n. 49).
50 V. Mitsopoulos-Leon, “Clay Figurines from Lousoi: Some Thoughts on Local Production, The Ear is Shaky,” in E. Østby (ed.), Ancient Arcadia, Papers from the third international seminar on Ancient Arcadia, held at the Norwegian Institute at Athens, 7-10 May 2002 (2005), p. 445-458, fig 3.
51 The so-called “Dame de Sybaris” (n. 42); statuettes from Gortsouli (n. 46); “Schilfkrone,” see E.-L. Marangou, Lakonische Efenbein- und Beinschnitzereien, Tubingen, 1969, fig. 107 (from the sanctuary of A. O., Sparta, Museum), fig. 134a (from the sanctuary of A. O., Brit. Museum), figs. 135a, 135b (Perachora, National Museum Athens), p.151, 269, no. 870; Kahil, l.c. (n. 36), p. 739.
52 The upper part of the headdress of the nearest parallel from Gortsouli is decorated with large lancet shaped leaves, see Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou, l.c. (n. 46), fig. 25, no. 20.
53 11th Epinikion; translated by R. Fagles, Bacchylides complete poems with a foreword by Sir M. Bowra, Introduction and notes by Adam M. Parry (1988), p 34.
54 KaHimachos, Hymnos 235; on the statuette of Apollo Béarn, now in the collection of G. Ortiz, we read Τας Αρτάμιτος: αποβώμιον τας Ημέρας, see Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 83, fig. 15; on the temple key in Boston, M. Comstock, C. Vermeule, Greek, Etruscan and Roman Bronzes in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, Boston, 1971, p. 435, no. 638, no. 01.7515, ΤΑΣ ΑΡΤΑΜΙΤΟΣ ΤΑΣ ΕΝ ΛΟΥΣΟΙΣ.
55 M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’ArcaAe, Paris, 1985, p. 420; ead., “Commentaire,” in M. Casevitz, M. Jost, Pausanias. Description de la Grèce, Livre VIII : L’Arcadie, Paris, 1998 (CUF), p. 198.
56 Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 83; see comments by Jost, o.c. (n. 55, 1985), p. 419; M. Pretzler, “Die antiken Quellen zum Raum Pheneos-Lousoi,” in K. Tausend (ed.), Pheneos und Lousoi. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Topographie Nordostarkadiens, Frankfurt a. Main, 1999, p. 49, no. 92.
57 Cl. Calame, Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece. Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Functions, Lanham, 1997, p. 116-120; P. Brulé, La fille d’Athènes, Paris, 1987, p. 220; V. Mitsopoulos-Leon, “Knaben und Màdchen in Artemisheiligtumern. Die Aussage der Quellen und Votive,” in E. Simantoni-Bournia, A.A. Laimou, L.G. Mendoni, N. Kourou (eds.), Αμύμονα έργα, τιμητιϰός τόμος για τον ϰαθηγητή Β.Κ. Λαμπρινουδάϰη, Athens, 2007, p. 189-200.
58 I have already presented these thoughts in the past, Mitsopoulos-Leon, l.c. (n. 57), but they should be repeated here.
59 M. Herfort-Koch, Archaische Bronzeplastik Lakoniens, Munster, 1986 (Boreas, Beiheft 4), pl. 7, 3-4, 5-6, 7-8; pl. 8,1-2, 3, 4, 5-7; pl. 9, 3-4, 5, 6-7 and pl. 10,1-2, 3-4, 5-6.
60 Cl. Rolley, Diegriechischen Bronzen, Munich, 1984, p. 99ff., fig. 81.
61 Rolley, l.c. (n. 61); L. Kahil, “Autour de l’Artémis attique,” AntK 8 (1965), p. 22-33; eadem, “La déesse Artémis : mythologie et iconographie,” in Greece and Italy in the Classical World, Acta XI Intern. Congress of Archaeology, London, 1978 [1979], p. 73-87; ead., “L’Artémis de Brauron : rites et mystères,” AntK 20 (1977), p. 86-98.
62 U. Sinn, “Der Kult der Aphaia auf Aigina,” in R. Hägg, N. Marinatos, G. Nordquist (ed.), Early Cult Practice. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26-29June 1986, Stockholm 1988, p. 158, fig. 14.
63 Mitsopoulos-Leon, Zc. (n. 57), p. 191, no. 16 with lit.
64 E. Brümmer, “Griechische Truhenbehàlter,” JdI 100 (1985), p. 1-168; V. Mitsopoulos-Leon, “Kàstchen fur Artemis,” in J.-P. Descoeudres (eds.), Ευμωυσια. Ceramic and Iconographic Studies in Honour of A. Cambitoglou, Sydney, 1990 (MedA, suppl. 1), p. 137 sq.
65 Ae 18/86, see Mitsopoulos-Leon, l.c. (n. 57), p. 191, fig. 3.
66 Reichel, Wilhelm, lc. (n. 5), p. 84, fig. 158; Mitsopoulos-Leon, Zc. (n. 58), p. 191, fig. 4.
67 For comparison, we add an example from Dodona, which reads Φιλῖνος Ἀθηναῖος: C. Cλrλpλnos, Dodone et ses ruines, Athens, 1878, p. 43, pl. 414.
68 B.S. Ridgway, “Ancient Greek Women and Art: The Material Evidence,” AJA 91 (1987), p. 399-410, 401.
69 R. Merkelbach, “Bakchylides auf einen Sieger in den HEMERASIA zu Lousoi,” ZPE 11 (1973), p. 257-260; critical S. Tausend, “Sportstàtten und Agone in Lousoi und Pheneos,” in K. Tausend (ed.), Pheneos und Lousoi. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Topographie Nordostarkadiens, Frankfurt a. Main, 1999, p. 370-374, esp. 373, who refers to A. Köhnken, “Hemerasien- oder Pythiensieg, Zu Bakchylides, ep. 11,” WJ NF 2 (1976), p. 49-51; according to him, the importance was given to Artemis and Lousoi, because Alexidamos came from Metapontum.
70 For age groups at games in Hellenistic times see N.M. Kennell, “Age Categories and Chronology in the Hellenistic Theseia,” Phoenix 53 (1999), p. 249-262; there were “games in the original panhellenic circuit (periodos)” and “local civic contests”; id., The Gymnasium of Virtue, Education and Culture in Ancient Sparta, (Chapel Hill/ London 1995), p. 64, 110, 118.
71 See Tausend, Lc. (n. 69), p. 370-374.
72 Thouria, see IG V 1, 1387; for Aighion see E. Preuner, “Aus alten Papieren,” MDAI(A) 49 (1924), p. 118-119, no. 12; J. Bingen, BCH 77 (1954), p. 628-636; for Akestorides see IiOOl 184, Bingen, ibid.; for Perge see R. Merkelbach, S. Sahin, Die Inschriften von Perge, 1988, p. 131, no. 56.
73 Akestorides from Troas was also victorious in Pheneos, see Tausend, l.c. (n. 69), p. 373.
74 N. Marinatos, “Goddess or Monster, An Investigation of Artemis,” in F. Graf (ed.), Ansichten griechischer Rituale, Berlin, 1998, p. 114-125; A. Chaniotis, War in the Hellenistic World. A Social and Cultural History, Oxford, 2005, p. 55; Mitsopoulos-Leon, l.c. (n. 57), p. 193.
75 Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 37, no. 36a.
76 Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), fig. 115.
77 U. Sinn, “The Sacred Herd of Artemis at Lusoi,” in R. Hägg (ed.), The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, Athens, 1992 (Kernos, suppl. 1), p. 177-178; it was lost during the war.
78 Sinn, l.c. (n. 15), p. 34f., fig. 12.
79 Staatliche Museen, Pergamon-Museum, Inv. 8624.2.
80 Sinn, l.c. (n. 15), p. 34, fig. 11.
81 M. Wegner, Das Musikleben der Griechen, Berlin, 1949, p. 41.
82 See also Kennell, o.c. (n. 70), p. 47 and passim.
83 Dated to the 4th and 3rd cent., they were found in the sanctuary of Artemis, in the so-called propylon on the lower terrace, see Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 64-88; no. 1 and no. 3 mention men from Charadros or Charadra (in Messenia, Epiros, or Phokis), no. 2 speaks of a Kyparisseis, no. 4 mentions Pharai or Phara (probably in Achaia), no. 6 a man from Amphissa; we add four inscriptions, found in the colonnade of the newly excavated temple in the centre of the city of Lousoi and dated to the 5th cent. by professor H. Taeuber, University of Vienna, who prepares them for publication; one inscription mentions the town Boulis North of the Corinthian gulf; to these can be added the circular inscription in Berlin (IG V 2 [1913] no. 387), see Reichel, Wilhelm, l.c. (n. 5), p. 78f., fig. 156; see “Jahresbericht Lousoi 2002,” ÖJh 72 (2003), p. 330; Mitsopoulou-Leon, l.c. (n. 4), p. 442.
84 A. Moustaka, “On the Cult of Hera at Olympia,” in R. Hägg (ed.), Peloponnesian Sanctuar- ies and Cults, Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June, 1994, Stockholm, 2002, p. 200-205; J.D. Baumbach, The Significance of Votive Offerings in Selected Hera Sanctuaries in the Peloponnese, Ionia and Western Greece, Oxford, 2004.
85 The presence of boys in sanctuaries of Artemis has been generally accepted by now, see N. Marinatos, The Goddess and the Warrior, London, 2000, p. 98, n. 26; we find them in Attica, in Laconia, at Elis, see Mitsopoulos-Leon, l.c. (n. 36), p. 81-116; Artemis Philomeirax cared for the spiritual and physical education of young girls and boys, as according to Pausanias her sanctuary lay near the Maltho, one of the gymnasia of the city, in which was also the bouleuterion, where the ephebes were trained in poetry and rhetoric.
86 For some sanctuaries of Artemis we have written proof for the existence of the necessary localities; the decree of the nomothetes in Brauron, J. Papadimitriou, Ergon (1961), p. 25, mentions a [gymn]asion and a palaestra; according to J. Mylonopoulos, F. Bubenheimer, AA (1996), p. 19, they were used by boys; we suggested, Mitsopoulos-Leon, l.c. (n. 57), p. 198, no. 74, that they were used for the girls, and that boys competed in the nearby sanctuary of Apollo, in Halae Araphinides; in Elis, the sanctuary of Artemis Philomeirax lay near the Maltho, one of the gymnasia of the city, which was at the deposal of the ephebes during the πανήγυρις and in which was also the bouleuterion, where the ephebes were trained in poetry and rhetoric; see Mitsopoulos-Leon, l.c. (n. 36), p. 81, 90.
Notes de fin
1 I express my sincere thanks to Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi and Clarisse Prêtre for the invitation to this stimulating seminar on votive offerings; my warmest thanks go also to Dr. Robert Bridges for correcting my English text.
Auteur
Österreichisches Archàologisches Institut
Leof. Alexandras 26
GR— 106-83 Athens
E-mail: vml_oeai@otenet.gr
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Robin Hägg (dir.)
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Gunnel Ekroth
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Jean Rudhardt
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Pierre Brulé (dir.)
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Clarisse Prêtre (dir.)
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Actes du colloque organisé à l’Université de Valladolid, du 26 au 29 mai 1999
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IIIe Rencontre héracléenne
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