Capitolo 1. The territorial context of the oppidum: New evidence for the period 450-250 B.C.
p. 96-116
Texte intégral
1. The surface survey 1987-1991
11.1. The survey of the territory discussed in Roccagloriosa I presents the general outline for the period of ca. 400-250 B.C., in order to complement the focus on and provide a context for the nucleated centre (fig. 71). Since the publication of that volume not only have all the sites been revisited but also new evidence has been found at a number of previously identified sites and new sites have been located. Additionally, extended excavation and/or geophysical testing have also taken place at several of the sites in the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin. Increased deep ploughing activity and construction have made it possible to survey areas that were covered totally by Mediterranean maquis a few years ago. It is on the basis of the most recent research carried out in the period 1987-91 that the new distribution map of the rural sites attached to this chapter has been compiled and which now replaces the preliminary distribution map (presented in Roccagloriosa I, 180, fig. 149).
2The cumulative effect of these factors allows us to put forward working hypotheses for two critical time periods. First, the initial Lucanian settlement of the Mingardo/Bussento region (ca. 450-350 B.C.) has become somewhat clearer, in that more sites have been recorded which date to that period thus providing a more substantial context for what seemed an isolated early phase on the Central Plateau habitation and in some of the tombs in the La Scala cemetery at Roccagloriosa. Second, due to salvage excavation and geophysical testing as well as an increased knowledge of the ceramic record for the generally problematic years from ca. 250-50 B.C., several sites have been identified which correspond chronologically to the transitional years between the established Lucanian reality and what is generally recognized as the Roman period.
3The new evidence has been found in areas both within 5 kms. as well as beyond 5 kms. from the Roccagloriosa site. For clarity in presentation, the new sites in the nearer territory of the period from 450 to 250 B.C. are presented, then the similarly dated sites located further away are indicated. Sites which have already been discussed in Roccagloriosa I but for which new evidence has been found are presented and followed by discussion. The ‘transitional’ sites, i.e. those datable to the period ca. 250-50 B.C., are presented in a separate chapter with a general discussion on the ‘shadowy’ period between the end of the oppidum and the new territorial organisation brought about by Roman settlement in the region.
41.2. Due to the low level of site visibility, the extended survey was something of a compromise between the studies done in the context of a Forma Italiae volume and a regional survey such as, to remain within the southern part of the peninsula, the Molise survey (Barker/Lloyd/Webley 1978).
5Starting from the picture provided by the intensive survey of the territory nearer to the nucleated centre and by a series of chance finds in the vaster regional catchment basin (Fracchia 1988), which were brought to our attention during the actual excavation of the oppidum, the survey of 1987-1991 attempted to explore in a systematic manner all of the areas of the region where the visibility of the terrain and the topography allowed intensive field walking using teams of students. This then evolved into two phases:
a survey of the accessible areas which were topographically possible for ancient settlement, that is, neither flood plains nor steep eroded slopes (a number of informants also helped: we are especially grateful to A. Saggiomo, F. Passarelli, A. Penilli, U. Balbi and the local assistants to the Superintendent, G. Canale and R. Mondelli, among others);
intensive and repeated survey of the areas defined by phase a).
6The dual nature of the extensive survey conducted in the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin during the years 1987-1991 necessitates the caution with which we interpret the scatters in terms of settlement typology. Even in the field of classical archaeology in the last 10-15 years the potential of the regional survey as an accepted archaeological technique has been recognized (Snodgrass 1987; Alcock 1993; Leveau/Sillières/Vallat 1993) but, concomitantly, this same potential has generated an exponential growth in the number of survey projects with conclusions based exclusively on survey data. To remain within Magna Grecia, where for many reasons excavation (and in particular excavation of cemeteries) as opposed to survey has been largely pre-eminent in the past, there have been most recently a number of survey projects at the sites of Metaponto, Croton, Oria/Valesio and the Cilento region which have shed much new light on the settlement patterns of those regions. It has been, however, the noteworthy availability of excavation data and of written records which have prevented an excessive optimism or over-exuberant use of the information potentially contained in survey data (an extreme case is that of Cherry et al. 1991, on which see the detailed critique by Ammerman 1993).
7In the specific case of the catchment basin under study here it is necessary to bear in mind that, despite the cautionary note expressed above in the interpretation of survey results, we have been able to verify or at least test the hypotheses evolved from the survey data against three extremely important elements which have helped us to interpret the evidence:
the fact that we possess an accurate chronological framework and an excellent sample of settlement typology for the period 450-250 B.C., provided by the excavation of a central site in the catchment basin;
the possibility, in several cases, to excavate the sites identified by the scatters (Mortelle, site no. 25; Caselle in Pittari, site no. 39; Pedale, site no. 24);
the fact that geo-archaeological testing was conducted in other sites identified by surface scatters (Celle/Morigialdo, site no. 43, and Mortelle, site no. 25).
2. The nearer territory (figs. 72-73)
2.1. Newly identified sites
8The evidence presented analytically in this chapter, as already mentioned, includes only the new finds from the 1987-1991 surface exploration (fig. 72). For the basic information on the sites previously identified the reader should refer to the catalogue of sites in Roccagloriosa I, 179-198.
9Map references are to the IGM 1:25.000 maps, with the following abbreviations:
10RG = Roccagloriosa
11TO = Torre Orsaia
12Camerota
13Pruno
14Rofrano
15Sanza
16Policastro Bussentino
17Sheet 209 II NE
18Sheet 210 III NO
19Sheet 209 II SE
20Sheet 209 I NE
21Sheet 209 I SE
22Sheet 210 IV SO
23Sheet 210 III SO
A) Mingardo Valley
24site no. 54 Vigna della Corte
RG N 40 E 36,75
alt. 350
Black glaze cups dated to the second half of the 4th century B.C.
25Brought to our attention by the local population. The black glaze cups probably refer to a disturbed tomb and thus seem to suggest the existence of a typical farm with an adjacent small burial area, by analogy with the documentation from other sites in the nearby territory. The evidence from Vigna della Corte is useful to clarify the fact that, as we suspected, the absence of sites located by the survey in the gentle hillsides immediately to the southeast of the modern town of Roccagloriosa is attributable, at least in part, to the accumulation of a very deep layer of colluvium (e.g. Gammavona, site no. 16) and thus very little appears on the modern surface level.
26site no. 55 Celle/Località Poderia
RG N 39,50 E 34
alt. 100
27Brought to our attention by A. Perilli. Excavated under the supervision of G. Canale of the Salerno Superintendency. A fossa tomb covered by roof tiles in the township of Celle di Bulgheria (already mentioned in Velia 1990). The tomb contained bronze spits as well as pottery datable to the second half of the 4th century B.C.
B) Bussento Valley
28site no. 56 Torre Orsaia/Ritunedda
TO N 42.60 E 42.75
29Scatter of large fragments of flat tiles, most probably from disturbed tombs ‘a cassa’, on a small plateau dose to the intersection of the Sciarapotamo and Bussento rivers.
30site no. 57 S. Giovanni a Piro
Policastro Bussentino N 34,50 E 38,70
alt. 400
31Brought to our attention by D. Cetrangolo. Another area where there seems to have been a scattered habitation in the 4th-3rd centuries B.C. This site is found at the extreme limits of that which has been defined as the nearer territory on the coast. The area is hilly at an altitude between ca. 300 and 400 m. along the eastern foothills of M. Bulgheria between Bosco and San Giovanni a Piro. In 1991 a tomb, apparently covered with roof tiles, was disturbed in the area: the tomb contained black glaze pottery of the 4th century B.C.
2.2. New evidence for already identified sites
32site no. 25 Mortelle (fig. 74)
TO N 38,90-39 E 38,50
alt. 190-210
Roccagloriosa I, 189-90 and fig. 157
33This site has been extensively explored (fig. 75): survey, excavation and magnetometer testing have been performed at the site. In 1989 the area of Mortelle was deep ploughed for the first time. The ploughing brought considerable material to the surface and caused the agricultural work to be stopped temporarily. Both excavation and magnetometer testing followed: surveys had been conducted in the area both before and after the destruction.
34The site is in a small clearing approximately 4 km. from the nucleated centre, mid-way down the slopes above the Torre Orsaia tram station. A perennial stream borders the site to the south. The Mortelle site consists of several tombs of both the fossa and cremation type – the exact number is uncertain because of the violent destruction – and a habitation area. The tombs were found on sloping ground near the stream while the habitation area is on a level open space approximately 30 meters uphill towards the northwest.
35The first material brought up by the deep ploughing (actually bulldozing) was brought to the Torre Orsaia Carabinieri. The material included:
361) the foot and rim of a finely made bell krater (reconstructed ht. 27.0 cm.) (fig. 79, 1). The curved foot in combination with a high stem is found on both calyx and bell kraters of the Amykos Painter from ca. the early 4th B.C. (Trendall 1967, pl. 16, nos. 3/204 and 5-6/212). The foot type continues to be used by the Intermediate group (Trendall 1967, pl. 32, nos. 1-2/338, pl. 34, no. 371) and through the repertoire of the Anabates Painter (Trendall 1967, pls. 48-49) which carries the form into the first quarter of the 4th century. Similarly, in Campania the form occurs from ca. 380 through the first half of the century (Trendall 1967, pl. 79, 1-2/5, and 3/11, pl. 83, 4-5/69, pl. 84, nos. 3-4/75). On the basis of the above comparanda, the vase can be dated to the first half of the 4th century B.C. although most probably a date of the first third of the 4th century would be more accurate.
372) the foot and rim of a small red figure bell krater: max. preserved ht. 12.5 (fig. 79,2). Unusual linear foot with an offset at the top. The best parallels for this type of foot are found in the later production of the Pisticci Painter (Trendall 1967, pl. 4, nos. 3 and 4/33) or in the works of the Intermediate Group (Trendall 1967, pl. 35, nos. 1-2/372). Again, both parallels date to the early 4th century B.C.
383) a small black glaze skyphos: ht. 9.0, diam. foot 6.0, diam. mouth 8.80: on the basis of the profile, ca. first third of the 4th century B.C. (fig. 79,3).
394) a coarse ware olla: diam. mouth 30.0.
405) large but fragmentary krater rim: preserved ht. 8.0.
416) base and handle of a skyphos.
427) red-figure amphora (figg. 76a-b; 79,7). Preserved ht., to neck, ca. 54.0 cm. The amphora is the typical globular type popular in Lucania and the foot is also tropically the Lucanian type applied with little distinction to many closed forms (see also Italici, 206, fig. 14). Side A: a seemingly female figure completely wrapped in a mantle is offered a diadem by a male figure; Side B: a man and a woman stand around an Ionic column. Both carry unidentifiable objects. Palmettes at the sides. The best parallel for the palmettes is the Primato Painter (Trendall 1967, pl. 72, no. 1/917, and no. 5-7/925). Possibly dated ca. 360-350 B.C.
43All of the above listed material is compatible with the presence of a disturbed tomb or tombs. Both the large red-figure vases and the coarse ware olla are well paralleled by material from some of the earlier tombs in the La Scala cemetery adjacent to the nucleated center.
44Following this initial destruction, a fossa tomb with a tile roof (Tomb 2) was excavated. The excavation was carried out by R. Mondelli for the Superintendency of Salerno. The tomb contained:
451) a red figure lekythos: reconstructed max. ht. 57.0; diam. mouth 10.5; diam. foot 12.0: distinctive curved tall mouth. By analogy with a similar example found in Tomb 3, no. 7 at the cemetery area of La Scala (Italici, 162) the height was reconstructed and the vase dated to ca. second quarter of the 4th century B.C. (Trendall 1967, pl. 59 (591), 66 (729), 74 (948)).
462) neck to above.
473) coarse ware amphora: diam. mouth 12.5. Pseudo-Chian type, similar to those found in the habitation complex on the Central Plateau, cf. Roccagloriosa I, nos. 365-370 and dated to the 4th century B.C.
484) large red figure skyphos (figg. 77a,b; 80,4): ht. 28.0; diam. mouth 25.0; diam. foot 15.0. Side A: woman with a patera faces a man, nude, holding a mirror. Side B: Two men wrapped in mantles, conversing. Rosettes in the fields, fans rise from the ground line. Below the handles, superimposed palmettes. The large size is comparable to two known examples included among the mature works of the Primato Painter (Trendall 1967, nos. 1022, 1028), ca. 350 B.C. but the two bands at the bottom of the vase are typical of the Intermediate Group (Trendall 1967, pl. 33, nos. 5/357 and 7/364), dated to the first third of the 4th century B.C. Adding another confusing element are the distinctive use of palmette tendrils at the sides of the vase and rosettes in the field: both types of ornamentation are commonly found in the works of the Roccanova Painter (Trendall 1967, pl. 66, no. 6/784) whose career is slightly earlier than that of the Primato Painter. The palmettes themselves resemble closely those of the Primato Painter (Trendall 1967, pl. 72, no. 1/917, and no. 5-7/925; see also tomb 9 in the La Scala cemetery: Gualtieri 1990, 164-165). All these parallels as well as the general shape and handle placement at the rim indicate a date of ca. the second quarter of the 4th century B.C. (Trendall 1967, pl. 33, no. 5/357).
495) globular black glaze vase: ht. 7.0; diam. foot 6.0; diam. mouth 4.6. Very badly preserved: glaze mostly rubbed off.
506) small black glaze skyphos (fig. 80,6): ht. 11.0; diam. foot 7.0; diam. mouth 12.5. Very badly preserved but the form is compatible with a date in the first half of the 4th century B.C.
517) foot, partially preserved body and neck of a red figure lekythos: ht. 40.0; diam. mouth 8.0; diam. foot 8.7. The scene, very partially preserved, includes 2 women standing beside a naiskos with the statue of a female inside it. Distinctive palmettes at each side which resemble closely those of the Choephoroi Painter (Trendall 1967, pl. 62, no. 3/613 and 6/644) who is dated to ca. 360-320 B.C.
52Four meters to the northeast of Tomb 2 several disturbed tombs carne to light. The contents included:
531) iron lance point (fig. 78): max. length. 15.2; max. width 3.0; max. thickness 1.6.
542) skyphos with a lead plug: ht. 18.0; foot diam. 10.0; mouth diam. 22.0. This skyphos is distinguished by the high handles placed perpendicular to the rim of the vase, by the height of the vase itself as well as the restrained curvature of the body: on the basis of the shape, a date of the first half of the 4th B.C. could be assigned to the vase (Trendall 1967, pl. 23, no. 4/276).
553) black glaze bowl.
564) black glaze bowl.
575) miniature coarse ware votive vase.
586) coarse ware rim.
597) stemmed salt cellar.
608) flat salt cellar.
619) two Pagenstecher lekythoi bases.
6210) glass fragments, blue with yellow and white slip trailing like the vase found in Tombs 14 and 15 (Gualtieri 1990, 167).
6311) skyphos rim, fragmentary.
6412) calm gorgon type plaque.
65Lastly, a cremation burial with an ustrinum (Tomb 3) was excavated (fig. 81). Both the ash spread and the partially burnt log in the scarp of the excavation bear testimony to the size of the pyre. The tomb was not particularly rich but did contain:
661) a skyphos rim.
672) a globular lekane with a lid (inside the ustrinum).
683) lebes handle.
694) bases pertaining to large vases.
70An interpretation of the cremation burial based on the ceramic evidence is seemingly contradictory. The lekane ought to belong to a female burial but the cremation ritual at the nucleated center was apparently restricted to adult males. The pertinence of vase types to the sex of the deceased is not so neatly categorical as was generally accepted some years ago. At Forentum the lekane form is found in bolli male and Iemale burials, although in the case of Forentum the tombs were inhumation burials (Fresa 1991). At Mortelle, the pottery from the cremation burial in particular seems to date to the second half of the 4th century B.C. while the other tombs contained material datable to the chronological arc of ca. 375-325 B.C. It appears that the social and economic level of the inhabitants of the Mortelle site did not differ substantially from those of the nucleated centre. The evidence from the disturbed tomb with the iron lance point, repaired skyphos, coarse ware votive vase is also similar to numerous tomb goods from the nucleated site and its much larger cemetery. Tomb 2 confirms the impression of a uniformity in the availability of imported goods, economic structure and burial tradition between the inhabitants of the nucleated centre and those outside of it.
71The habitation evidence from the Mortelle area is at best scanty. The material from a very limited excavation brought up the base of a Pagenstecher lekythos, salt-cellars, bowls, a loomweight and several coarse ware rims. All the Mortelle habitation material (see profiles, fig. 82) finds parallels in the habitation material from Roccagloriosa (Roccagloriosa I, salt-cellars nos. 95, 96, 97; bowls nos. 111, 124; coarse ware nos. 240, 247). The soil of the habitation area is heavily mixed with small rocks, arguably the remains of socles by analogy to the late 5thearly 4th century house walls at the nucleated center. Stunted short and sparse grass barely manages to grow in the area, another indication of remains beneath the surface. Around the habitation at Mortelle a survey team picked up only a few fragments of coarse ware, some black glaze sherds and a large red figure krater foot: this last piece of evidence carne from higher up the hill.
72Within a small site then we can see a mirror image of the La Scala necropolis and the nucleated site: fossa tombs, cremation burials, large size ceramic material, some locally made and others certainly imported, one example of weaponry and imported glass, all indicating, as does the common habitation debris, a cultural and material cohesiveness between the countryside and the ‘central place’.
3. Data from the wider regional landscape
73site no. 39 Caselle in Pittari
Sanza N 48,60-49,50 E 43,50-44,20
alt. 275-350
Roccagloriosa I, 195-196; Fiammenghi et al. 1996.
74This site, discussed in Roccagloriosa I, has now been the subject of extensive excavation (Fiammenghi et al. 1996). Prior to the on-going excavations (fig. 83), on the basis of survey only, the site was identified as a later 4th century smaller centre or satellite of Roccagloriosa in the previous publication. The excavations have provided new evidence for the already identified 4th century phase as well as both earlier and later material.
75The excavated area is more accurately called Lovito (fig. 84). A low triangle of land is surrounded on one side by a seasonal torrent bed and on the other by a perennial stream. A stone wall of indeterminate date closes off the triangle of land. The surface is strewn with ancient roof-tiles and the conspicuous absence of roof-tiles in the pseudo-cyclopean masonry of the wall may indicate that the wall is ancient. The excavated habitation area is within the above described triangle of land although numerous fragments of both coarse ware and black glaze pottery as well as loomweights were picked up beyond the wall on the uphill side: this area is known as Laureili (fig. 83, supra). Across the perennial stream a small hill served as a necropolis with both chamber tombs (see Roccagloriosa I, 196, fig. 159) and fossa or trench tombs. Until recently a route from the San Leo-Piano Grande area passed the necropolis hill. Before arriving at the necropolis, approximately 2 kms. to the northwest, the same route also forked towards Sanza. Another route, continuing past the site, leads down the valley towards the sea, following the headwaters of the Bussento river.
76The general area was inhabited evidently discontinuously from ca. the Final Bronze Age through ca. 300 B.C. Carinated burnished impasto bowls and numerous chert cores attest to the earliest use of the plateau. Somewhat surprisingly, no indigenous geometric wares have been found either on survey or from the excavation itself. The bulk of the ceramic material from both the survey and excavation pertains to the later 4th century B.C.
77Dott.ssa A. Fiammenghi very kindly permitted us to examine the pottery from the excavation. The black glaze pottery is characterized by ring feet, central omphaloi on the underside and is generally badly preserved: the fabric is dusty and powdery, the glaze is flaking off. Open forms predominate; paterae, rilled and ‘beaked’ rim bowl types. The coarse ware is often misfired and may well be locally produced. The most common forms are numerous variants of casserole types. A few other pieces deserve mention: a palmette antefix apparently from the same mould as an example found on the Central Plateau at Roccagloriosa, several lekanides, some triple-ridged kalypteres and a few pieces in a white fabric considered to be imported at Roccagloriosa. It has been suggested that the entire Mingardo/Bussento region may have gravitated commercially towards Elea/Velia (Greco E. 1991, 671). The pottery made at Elea is characterized by a Munsell color range of 10R 6/4-6/8 pale to light red, a well refined but soft matrix which is covered by a dilute glaze with either a metallic or iridescent quality to it: the pottery is usually badly preserved (Bencivenga Trillmich 1988, 708, note 26). In the boxes that we examined (stored in the office at Velia) most of the pottery was not well preserved, had a powdery texture and flaking black glaze. We saw few sherds that would be within the above delineated Munsell color range: the majority of fragments pertained to the color 7.5YR 7/6-7/8, reddish yellow.
78Additionally, several finds indicate the presence of votive shrines, possibly within domestic contexts, at the site: a large round lead piece with two suspension holes and, in particular from “ambiente C” a thymiaterion was found.
79The amount of pottery from the excavation in 1994 consisted of 24 boxes: in those boxes which we examined thoroughly, coarse ware outnumbered fine ware sherds roughly two to one. Furthermore, there was only one grooved bowl sherd in the ceramic material excavated which, if our dating of these bowls at Roccagloriosa is correct, re-enforces the impression gleaned from the coin hoard that the site does not continue much beyond ca. 275 B.C. (now, Fiammenghi et al. 1996). Elaborate pottery is rare: for example, in all of the pottery examined, we saw only one ribbed guttus. Few amphorae were noted but stemmed lekythoi are relatively more common.
80A coin hoard was buried at the site which dates largely to the first decades of the 3rd century B.C. (Fiammenghi et al. 1996). The majority of the coins are from Velia with others from both Thurii and Fleraklea.
81The Caselle in Pittari site is problematic. In terms of material culture and grave types this settlement presents a mirror image of Roccagloriosa itself. The site presents a very different picture if we examine the domestic architecture. The houses are constructed of cut sandstone blocks laid in the manner of masonry found at Elea/Velia. The sandstone is locally quarried and not only provided building blocks but also was used to construct well-heads and a type of Ionic capital stelae found (fig. 85) built into the house walls. Mt. Centaurino, where the site is located, has several large outerops of sandstone in its largely limestone constitution.
82The resident population at Elea/Velia is generally characterized as Italiote Greek not Lucanian. The architecture at Caselle in Pittari is clearly related to that of Elea/Velia and has nothing in common, at least in the areas excavated to date, with the masonry of Roccagloriosa. The pottery forms, with one exception, are similar to those of Lucanian Roccagloriosa: the exception is in the preference for stemmed lekythoi instead of gutti. The guttus form, along with the epichysis, is more commonly found at indigenous sites. This situation may indicate that there were two distinct cultural groups at Caselle in Pittari: one with an architectural tradition linked to Velia and the other with a clearly Lucanian material and burial culture. It is possible that this site developed into a market centre, given its location, with a mixed resident population. As noted above, it has been suggested that Caselle in Pittari formed part of the sphere of Elea/Velia (Greco E. 1991, 671). The position of the site, its proximity to and cultural links with Roccagloriosa make that suggestion debatable although influence from Moio della Civitella may be assumed in principle. The obvious Elean/Velian presence in the architecture at Caselle in Pittari, the remarks of Greco cited above and the assertion by Bencivenga Trillmich (1988, 708, note 26) that Elean pottery is common at Policastro Bussentino (or Greek Pyxous) have led us to review the pottery from Roccagloriosa in order to see if there was a discernible quantitative presence of Elean pottery at the fortified centre. If we follow strictly the Munsell color range of 10R 6/4-6/8 (pale red to light red) given by Bencivenga Trillmich as the distinctive color of Elean pottery there is only one piece, a patera (Roccagloriosa I, no. 138), which enters into that classification. Nonetheless, given the subjectivity of Munsell readings, we considered the possibility that pottery in the Munsell range of 2.5YR 6/6-6/8 light red (visibly quite dose to Munsell 10R 6/4-6/8) might possibly be Elean imports. In this case, there are 24 sherds that could be considered of Elean manufacture: those forms include various feet (Roccagloriosa /, nos. 164b,171-173, 178), fish plates (Roccagloriosa I, nos. 59, 65, 69, 72, 79 and 147), two lekythoi rims (Roccagloriosa I, nos. 153, 157), various open bowls (Roccagloriosa I, nos. 102, 114-116, 126), grooved bowls (Roccagloriosa I, nos. 218, 220) and a guttus fragment (Roccagloriosa I, no. 196) in addition to the patera mentioned above. Although clay analyses are so far lacking, it is possible that some of the amphorae from Roccagloriosa may be imported from Velia (Roccagloriosa I, 281).
83site no. 49 San Leo
Sanza N 48,60 E 39,90
alt. 580/600
Roccagloriosa I, 196-197.
84The site is on the south west flank of Mt. Centaurino and is approximately 6 kms. from Roccagloriosa to the north and is ca. 5 kms. from the site at Caselle/Lovito, to the north west.
85Bronze statuette, said to have been recovered on the upper part of the site. Height: 12.5 cm. (fig. 86). Preliminary notices on the find have been presented at the 1991 Taranto congress (unpublished report by G. Tocco) and by D. Ridgway (Ridgway 1995, 89, fig. 17).
86Bronze solid cast statuette of a nude male standing figure. Fully preserved except for thè arms which are raised and extended in a gesture of adoration or in the act of making an offering. The statuette is a well-known Osco-Sabellian votive type and can be easily classified.
87The stance is rigid and frontal even though the legs are slightly spread apart. The genital area is prominent and the ratio of the height of the legs to the rest of the body is disproportionate. The rounded head rests on a massive tall neck. The hair, treated ‘a calotta’, like a cap on the top of the skull, at the back of the head is instead rendered by incised parallel lines and at the nape of the neck, the hair ends in a cusp. This very formal treatment of the hair is similar to that normally found on male representations of the late archaic or early severe style (Paribeni 1978, 104).
88The rest of the head is rendered schematically: a large, flat triangular nose, very low forehead, the eyes indicated by a dot, the ears represented by two shallow depressions. As a whole, the representation of the face is similar to the type of slightly lowered face “a maschera appuntita verso il basso” identified by Colonna (1970, no. 361) and commonly found in the Sabellian bronze production. The hair treatment can also be assimilated into that general category (Colonna 1970, no. 352, pl. 81). The profile of the statuette is, for the most part, flat although the buttocks and calves are well modelled. The front of the statuette is almost flat except for the lightly incised two small circles indicating the nipples on the chest. On the other hand, the whole outline of the statuette is fluid and this fluidity of form is accentuated by the bulk of the thighs which confer a dynamic energy to the statuette which is otherwise portrayed statically.
89The numerous and evident archaic characteristics allow us to place the small bronze statuette from San Leo within the initial phase of the Oscan bronze production in Southern Italy. Colonna (1961, 265-266) justly emphasizes the exclusively votive use of such small bronzes in Southern Italy in the course of the 5th century B.C. Colonna also links the small votive bronze statuettes to the Osco-Sabellian expansion in general and in particular to the specific cultural milieu found throughout the hinterland of Magna Graecia after the Samnitic presence in Southern Italy had been established.
90It is furthermore possible to assign many of the characteristics evident in the San Leo bronze statuette to Colonna’s “A” Phase for the Osco-Sabellian production (Colonna 1961, 264); this phase is dated to ca. the mid-5th century B.C. or even to the first half of that century, on the basis of the parallels with examples from Sicily.
91Not surprisingly, dose parallels for the statuette are found in the southern Sabellian area of Polla in the neighboring Vallo di Diano (Bracco 1978, 90, fig. 152) and from Nemoli/Serra la Città in the Valle del Noce to the southeast of Roccagloriosa (Sestieri 1952, fig. 1) as well as from the Sanctuary of Mefitis in the Valle di Ansanto in Irpinia (Bottini et al. 1976, 367-368, figs. 1-2), where the oldest types of statuettes provide possible comparanda. The still evident archaic characteristics of our piece and the close parallels with the archaic production from the northern Sabellian area (e.g. the bronze statuette of Herakles from Planina (Picenum in EAA, vol. 6) and with some of the earliest Sicilian examples attributed to the “Maestro di Adernò” (Colonna 1970, nos. 348, 349 and pl. 80; no. 354 and p. 121; see also La Rosa 1989, figs. 36-37), however, would not exclude a date in the first half of the 5th century B.C.
92The dose parallels with the well preserved specimens by the “Maestro di Adernò”, just mentioned, also enable us to identify the San Leo statuette as belonging to the type characterized as the “offering male (warrior?)”.
93In the context of the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin the small bronze found on the slopes of Mt. Centaurino provides exceptional documentation of the phenomena of ‘Samnitization’ which occurred in the study area in the course of the 5th century B.C. The statuette also illustrates the dose cultural links that existed at that same time between the Hellenized coast of the Gulf of Policastro and the indigenous Italic hinterland. Recently, the group of Italian bronze figurines found in Southern Italy and Sicily have been discussed by Tagliamonte (1994, 78-79; 88-89; 96-97) in the context of a more general analysis of the presence of Italic mercenaries in South Italy. Tagliamonte (1994, 88-89) rightly underlines the fact that the presence of groups of Italic stock is particularly noticeable in the areas of southwestern Lucania and Bruttium and that the finds of Italic bronze figurines are amongst the most visible archaeological documentation for a phenomenon of “Italicizzazione culturale” across a wide area of 5th and 4th century B.C. Magna Graecia. Against this overall picture emerging from Tagliamonte’s careful analysis and in view of the scarcity of such finds from the Lucanian area, the S. Leo figurine just discussed acquires an even greater relevance as an extremely significant piece of new evidence for the ‘Samnitization’ of the Mingardo/Bussento region. When considered together with the comparable finds from Paestum (near the socalled temple of Neptune-Zancani Montuoro/Zanotti Bianco 1954, 171, no. 1), Polla in the Vallo di Diano, ca. 50 kms. north of the upper Mingardo valley (Bracco 1978, 90), Nemoli in the Lagonegro basin linking south-western Lucania with northern Bruttium (Sestieri 1952) and Castrovillari in northern Bruttium (Guzzo 1984), the S. Leo bronze figurine may provide the missing link for a trajectory of the Italic penetration along the valleys of the rivers Sele and Tanagro (Vallo di Diano) through the southern extremity of western Lucania, down to Castelluccio di Lao and northern Bruttium (fig. 87). Such a route seems to have been overlooked by Tagliamonte (1994, 78-79), who relies mostly on Colonna’s catalogue (Colonna 1970) and thus mentions the southeastern Lucanian trajectory as the only “itinerario più meridionale” of Italic penetration into the south of the peninsula, linking Campania to Metapontum.
94The site was most probably a rural sanctuary which commanded a view of the Mingardo valley. Very near the find spot of the statuette along the same contour line several flint scrapers and scraps of impasto pottery were also picked up on survey. Below the area where the statuette was found there is a particularly attractive well-watered terrace where there may have been a farm site of the 4th century B.C. A hopper-rubber type millstone (fig. 88, now stored in Rofrano, where the picture was taken), identical to the one from the Central Plateau on the M. Capitenali (Roccagloriosa I, 309, n. 591, fig. 202) was recovered from this lower terrace (information kindly provided by A. Saggiomo). In addition, two undiagnostic black glaze fragments and a coarse ware rim were found on this lower terrace.
95site no. 3 7 Laurito/Calatripeda
RG N 43, 70 E 35,20
alt. 100-130
Roccagloriosa I, 194 and fig. 158.
96Bronze olpe (fig. 89), black glaze fragments. Probably isolated tomb remains.
97The olpe is cast and hammered, probably Etrusco-Campanian. The olpe is slender and elongated in form with a swan’s neck handle. Undecorated except for a moulded band of grooves and horizontal ribs on the neck and light grooves on the handle. The handle ends in a tuft like a lion’s tail. Although the bottom is missing, it was probably flat. Dimensions: preserved ht. 16.0 without handle; preserved diameter of mouth 5.5
98Date: end of 5th-first decade of 4th century B.C. (for references, see Roccagloriosa I, 194-195).
4. The territory to the east of the Bussento river
99Since 1977 numerous sporadic finds have come to light and have very kindly been brought to our attention by the Gruppo Archeologico Saprese. The finds, as a whole, indicate that the area east of the Bussento river was densely populated, with small farms or hamlets scattered over the hills immediately behind the Coastal strip between Policastro and Sapri. A salvage excavation, conducted in 1982 by W. Johannowsky, in the township of Torraca has provided elements which constitute a terminus ante quem of the end of the 5th century B.C. for the initial occupation of the countryside. The cultural pertinence of that initial occupation is identified by the Samnitic type belt hooks for a large bronze belt. The data from Torraca together with other more generic finds from Tortorella and Vibonati, without a doubt refer to a settlement model analogous to the one reconstructed for the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin for the period between the end of the 5th and the first half of the 3rd century B.C. It is furthermore evident that the hinterland between Policastro and Sapri (as far as the peaks of Mt. Rotondo, M. Cocuzzo and M. Olivella which separate the gulf of Policastro from the adjacent Valle del Noce) should be considered as an annex to the wider Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin given the homogeneous cultural characteristics during the period which corresponds to the “Samnitization” (Velia 1990, 32-36). Such evidence confers a uniform character to the entire geographically welldefined catchment basin and carries over even to the Coastal strip which gravitates around Elea’s sphere of influence.
100Vibonati, Località S. Lucia
(Velia 1990, 32, no. 40)
101Fossa tomb, with a tile roof very much like that of Tomb 7 excavated in the La Scala cemetery at Roccagloriosa. Identified in 1977. The burial was later excavated by the Gruppo Archeologico Saprese, as authorized by the Superintendent of Salerno. The grave goods can be dated to the 4th century B.C.
102Torraca, Madonna dei Cordici
(Velia 1990, 32, no. 39)
103Reports of burials with tile roofs. One of these tombs was excavated (Johannowsky 1983, 422-423) and, among other things, contained an Attic kylix dated to the end of the 5th century B.C. Other material found in the area included a pair of bronze belt hooks, evidently belonging to a large bronze “Samnitic” type belt.
104The burial provides an excellent chronological fixed point for the “Samnitization” that was taking place in the territory at the end of the 5th century B.C.
105Tortorella, Località Raggiano
(Velia 1990, 32, no. 37)
106Reports of burials with tile roofs and fragments of black glaze pottery dated to the 4th century B.C.
5. Discussion
5.1. The later 5th-early 4th century territorial evidence
107The evidence for early settlement in the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin has been substantially strengthened by the new finds from three major sites in the territory which had been only partially defined by the earlier exploration. Those sites are San Leo (no. 49), Laurito/Calatripeda (no. 37) and Mortelle (no. 25).
108The site at San Leo, high (alt. 600) on the slopes of Mount Centaurino (fig. 90) above the Lucanian and then Roman site at Piano Grande, appears to have been a roadside sanctuary: the evidence consists of several fragments of black glaze pottery and a bronze statuette dated to ca. 500-450 B.C. This area too has been destroyed recently because of intensive modern building activity. The site commands a view of the entire Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin as far as the sea, with Mt. Sirino and the mountains of Calabria to the south. Springs abound in the area. The roadside sanctuary is a characteristic feature of the Lucanian countryside and bronzes are not uncommon although a statuette of the type described above is perhaps less widely found.
109On the western side of the Mingardo the earlier site of Laurito/Calatripeda is known only from a spectacular sporadic find of a bronze olpe, most likely from a tomb. The area where the olpe was found (by A. Saggiomo of Rofrano) is at ca. 130 m. of altitude and directly across the Mingardo valley from the nucleated center at Roccagloriosa. Unfortunately the area has been terraced and deeply ploughed for reforestation: survey yielded only two fragments of very thin walled black glaze pottery which appear on the basis of thinness to be early and some coarse ware sherds which were similar in fabric and production to the coarse wares excavated in stratified contexts at Roccagloriosa.
110Mortelle, the third site, consists of a small habitation area and necropolis that have been surveyed, excavated and further investigated by geophysical testing. The violent destruction caused by the deep ploughing at the site has certainly mixed the evidence but not diminished its significance. The evidence from Mortelle establishes the existence by the early to mid 4th century B.C. of “satellite” habitation nuclei in the Mingardo/Bussento region. The homogeneity of the material culture and funerary ritual places this agglomeration within the Lucanian sphere.
5.2. New aspects of the 4th-3rd century evidence
111The new evidence serves both to qualify and confirm the generai picture of the occupation typology within the Mingardo/Bussento territory that was presented in Roccagloriosa I. The faunal and palaeobotanical data analyzed and discussed elsewhere (Bökönyi/Costantini/Fitt 1993 and Gualtieri 1993, 333-335) also provide evidence for the specific type of agricultural activity normally associated with scattered farmsteads (fig. 91 and fig. 129, supra). The attentive monitoring and reporting of both sporadic finds and episodic evidence carried out by the Gruppo Archeologico Saprese, as well as the excavations conducted by the Superintendency, allow us to consider the area to the east and northeast of Policastro, as far as the bay of Sapri as culturally homogeneous with the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin and thus to include that well defined area within the limits of the Mingardo/Bussento watershed. For the above delineated wider region then, the territory during the Lucanian period appears to be remarkably homogeneous and thus the character of the socio-economic transformations referred to collectively as “Samnitization” are evident. This same homogeneity over a vast territory increases our understanding of the nucleated settlements in the area such as Roccagloriosa/Capitenali, Caselle in Pittari/Lovito-Laurelli and probably also Rofrano/Pruno which still need to be explored more thoroughly in terms of their role in the upper Mingardo valley during the 4th century B.C.
5.3. An outline of the major chronological developments in the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basins
112The general picture for the Mingardo/Bussento valley can be thusly delineated:
ca. 500 B.C., evidence appears for the initial stage of “Samnitization” of the region as well as for roadside sanctuaries;
by ca. 400 B.C., the population in the wider Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin seems to increase substantially and the hilltop settlement at Roccagloriosa is well established;
by ca. 375 B.C., hamlets or agglomerations of houses complement the farms already sprinkled over the hillsides (Piano Grande, Mortelle, Castelruggero);
between ca. 350-250 B.C., the nucleated centre, now fortified, shows dense occupation of all types in the countryside and outside the fortified areas. This phase and its significance in terms of the role of the site as a ‘central place’ as well as the relation-ship of the ‘central place’ to the wider territorial context is underlined by the recent find of a fragment of a bronze tabula dated ca. 300 B.C. (see Part III). The text mentions magistrates and refers to ‘legal’ provisions;
ca. 250-50 B.C. corresponds to the period of the transitional sites which are discussed in the next section.
113Furthermore, we can hypothesize that the centre at Roccagloriosa was established in order to provide Services such as markets to a well-populated countryside. So far the developments in the Mingardo/Bussento region have been discussed largely in terms of a “Samnitization” but that is a rather one-sided presentation in that even in the early phases at the site and in the wider territory there is evidence for contact with Italiote Greeks, most probably through Pyxous, the ‘colony’ established by Mikythos of Rhegion and Zankle.
114The later settlement at Caselle in Pittari, assuming that it is a market centre, reflects the topographical importance of the two catchment basins linking the Tyrrhenian coast to the inland valleys as well as to the Italiote cities on the Ionian sea. That such trade existed and that the Mingardo/Bussento Area was part of that trading network is illustrated by the bronze statuette with its antecedents in the Vallo di Diano and elsewhere, by the bronze grave goods of Etruscan manufacture, and by the gold jewelry from Tarentum found in the tombs at Roccagloriosa.
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