1Throughout this part, we explored the practical as well as the set of ritual practices and beliefs associated with the elephant capture. Elephant catching operations are becoming rarer today. This is mainly due to the scarcity of free roaming elephants, as well as the investment in such a venture. My investigation has shown that, from forest to village, bringing an animal into human society requires several mediations with the forest world. These consist of a set of sacrificial practices and offerings to forest entities performed before, during, and after capture operations. The set of practices and beliefs associated with elephant capture illustrates how the Khamti create bridges between the two worlds of the forest and the village.

2The description of the conduct and preparation highlighted the predominance of phandi. During expeditions, the phandi leads the group. He assumes all responsibility for whatever happens and is held accountable for the success and safety of both men and elephants. The phandi officiates all the rituals performed on behalf of all the members of the team. These practices aim at acquiring a protective power for the entire team. This notion of power-protection is also highlighted in research on the Shan. As stated by anthropologist Nicola Tannenbaum, the power protection would even be “the underlying principle for understanding the Shan religion” (Tannenbaum 2001: 12).

3While being highly respected in the forest, phandi do not have important social status in modern Khamti society. The majority of them live in very precarious economic conditions. This low status testifies to a decline in hunting today more generally. It can be assumed that in the past phandi were respected for their courage and bravery, as well as their ability to interact and communicate with supernatural elements. For this reason, phandi were employed as phou muang to offer sacrifices to the phi muang. This is hardly the case today, since this practice is now out-dated by the hegemony of Buddhism.

4Throughout Asia, the ritual phandi’s role was also valourised. In Laos for example, as mentioned in Charles Archaimbault’s numerous writings, wild or domestic elephants, as well as their human partners are often mentioned in various ceremonial incantations (Archaimbault 1991, 1973). In particular, elephant hunters and specialists (mo xang) took active part in various religious ceremonies, such as the annual buffalo sacrifice or even the Tat Luang ceremony (Archaimbault 1966). Emourgeon, Gilles and Plion-Bernier also mention elephant hunters’ religious roles in Thailand (Emourgeon 2010; Gilles 1932; Plion-Bernier 1969).

5From the social and ideological point of view, elephant owners who are also phandi have a higher status as compared to mahouts. These latter are employees who take care of elephants in their daily lives in the village. Phandi are considered “kings of the forest”, an expression often heard during the survey. Their predatory functions for catching and hunting are valourised, while mahouts, who are employed for service purposes, are considered as subalterns. Such hierarchical elements no doubt make reference to a royal ideology that prevails along with the remnants of royal and aristocratic status. As remarked by T. T. Cooper, “well-to-do Khamtees never labour” (Cooper 1995). While “hunting party” and “catching operation” refer to a noble activity, it is not the case for other activities in which elephants are engaged (such as timber hauling studied in Part III of this volume).

6The last chapter reveals how capturing an elephant on the elephant’s back implies perfect knowledge of the konkie. The phandi must be able to interpret the various ways in which the elephant expresses himself and communicates when he fears something, when he detects something, and when he is satisfied. In interspecies relations, the phandi as elephant owner shares a specific relationship with the konkie. The results of an expedition clearly depend on both these protagonists knowing and trusting each other. Such confidence was evident, for example, in my conversation with Chao Pling Ta who said he gave his konkie the initiative to decide which direction should be taken. We can observe here that the elephant is a full partner in expeditions. In the narrative given by Chao Pling Ta the fact that the konkie, upon charging, brings the elephant back by his tail without being asked to is a sign of his ability to mobilise both body and mind to perform a requested task.

7We will now continue our narrative and delve further into interspecies relations and the bonds between the Khamti and elephants. The next part deals with the socialisation of a newly caught elephant.