1The architectural complex at our concern was uncovered in Caesarea Maritima, Israel. This ancient city was founded in year 10/9 BCE by King Herod as a Greek polis. In March 5, 71 CE it was proclaimed a Roman colony by Vespasian1. It was the capital of the Roman province of Iudaea-Palaestina in the first three centuries CE. In Late Antiquity, after the province was split into three smaller provinces, Caesarea was the capital of Palaestina Prima. In the Early Empire it had two praetoria. One, on the site of Herod’s palace, served the Roman governor, who was the chief military commander and the supreme judicial authority. The second, erected in year 77/78, under Vespasian and Titus, served as an officium and residence for the financial procurator2. Following the administrative reforms of Diocletian and Constantine, when the financial procurator became the provincial governor, this second praetorium served the new governor, and the praetorium of Herod, partially deteriorated by the erosion of the sea, served the military commander —the dux— during his sojourns in Caesarea. The importance of Caesarea in the Early and Late Empires was expressed in its sound economy3. It is also reflected by the fact that it had a deep-water harbor4 and that it was one of the few cities in the Eastern Mediterranean in which a full fledged circus was in operation5.

2Annona, once meant «annual harvest», came to designate the provisioning of large communities (the city, the imperial army), and then, in the Late Roman Empire, the tax in kind that supplied for such needs (res annonaria)6. Annona populares designates the provision of bread to a privileged sector of a city —its citizens (demotai)7. It was not a municipal welfare service for the poor8. It was a perquisite of the already privileged middle classes of the cities. In Late Antiquity this system of gratuite provision is attested in the literary sources mainly in Rome and Constantinople9, but also in Alexandria and Carthage, addressed specifically in the Codex Theodosianus book XIV, 17, entitled: «Municipal Food Rations and Step Bread» («De Annonis Civicis et Pane Gradili»)10. It was also distributed in Antioch and Emesa11 in Syria, and in several other Egyptian cities, such as Hermopolis, Antinoopolis and Oxyrhynchus12. In this last city, of minor administrative significance, was uncovered a group of papyri known as «the Corn Dole in Oxyrhynchus13». They are dated to the years 267/268 to 275/276, and indicate that the corn dole for a limited number of citizens —ca. 3 000 in number— was organized there according to the scheme that prevailed in Rome since Augustan times.

3According to Zuckerman14: «Chaque cité a son corps de citoyens qu'elle fait bénéficier, à la mesure de ses moyens ou plutôt des moyens autorisés par le pouvoir impérial, d’avantages divers, en premier lieu de distributions alimentaires ».15

4Was such a system in affect also in Caesarea? The answer seems to be positive, and the evidence —architectural and epigraphic— will be detailed below.

«The Byzantine Esplanade»

5A large civic complex, dubbed «The Byzantine Esplanade» (fig. 1), was first uncovered in Caesarea Maritima in 195116. Later architectural surveys, restoration and re-evaluation, first by Ehud Netzer in July and early August of 199017 and then by Kenneth Holum and Anna Iamim in 1993 and 200818, indicated that the complex was ca. 120 m long, north-south. It comprises a Lower and an Upper Piazzas separated by two columns of gray granite that once carried an arch (forming a sort of propylon) and a staircase of ten steps, with a mosaic Greek inscription in front. Two colossal statues are set in the two northern corners of the Lower Piazza.

Fig. 1. — «The Byzantine Esplanade», Caesarea Maritima, Israel

The Lower Piazza and its benches

6Yeivin uncovered a 11.6 m wide piazza extending north-south and delineated on the east and west by two high walls (figs. 2-3). The piazza is paved by rectangular, grey marble slabs, some of them in secondary use, bearing fragmentary and eroded inscriptions. An earlier floor of crude, white mosaic tesserae was uncovered below (fig. 4). The flanking sidewalls, of local kurkar sandstone and white plastered, are still standing to an elevation of 3 m and more. Stone benches run along the walls19. Each bench was built of a row of kurkar stones, set upright, parallel to the walls, at a distance of ca. 0.5 m from each. The earth fill in between was removed during the excavations20. The sitting surface of both benches seems to have been of wooden planks, set over the earthen fill and the upper edges of the standing stones. This is suggested by depressions and grooves that left their marks in the backing walls and on the standing stones of both benches (fig. 5). Three blocked openings can still be recognized in the eastern wall. Yeivin had exposed only a 19 m long north-south section of this piazza, but the top of the eastern wall, still buried, can be traced running farther south for some 30 m. Hence, ca. 250 people could be sitted on the benches along the two sides. Access to this piazza seems to have been from the south through a gate, via an east-west street —Decumanus S1.

Fig. 2. — Panoramic views of the Lower Piazza, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 2014

Fig. 3. — Two statues, columns of the propylon and the staircase leading to the Upper Piazza, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 2014

Fig. 4. — Two floor levels of the Lower Piazza, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 2015

Fig. 5. — The benches of the Lower Piazza, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 2014

Statues and propylon

7Two colossal seated statues were set, in a secondary location, in the north-western and north-eastern corners of the Lower Piazza (fig. 3 p. 000). The north-western one is of white marble; throne and figure are cut from a single block. The back of the throne is missing, being cut-off before the statue was placed in its present location. The seated figure seems to be Zeus. The north-eastern statue, of porphyry, seems to be Emperor Hadrian21. He is presented seated on a throne of gray granite. Both statues seem to have adorned the piazza already in its early, tessalated phase.

8The propylon comprises of two short walls (antae) with two columns of gray granite in between. A slot observable in the antae suggests that barriers blocked the passage in the lateral openings. These barriers might have been of wood, since no corresponding slots are observable in the corresponding column bases. Voussoirs and a keystone found by Yeivin indicate that the two columns supported a central arch (fig. 6)22. At a later stage the three openings were blocked by walls that were plastered (fig. 7). A circular drawing with radiating lines (perhaps a sail of a boat), and a cross (fig. 8), were incised on the plaster. The incised cross suggests that the walls were erected by Christians, perhaps already before the Arab conquest in 640 or 641; namely, that the architectural complex at our concern ceased to be used in its original function, being divided in two before that conquest. Some installations, removed by Yeivin, were built over the two piazzas. The three walls that blocked the propylon were removed by Netzer23.

Fig. 6. — Suggested reconstruction of the Lower Piazza with the arcuated propylon, Caesarea Maritima, Israel

Fig. 7. — Later walls blocking the propylon, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 1990

Fig. 8. — Incised drawings on the later walls, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 1990

The staircase

9Farther north, on the other side of the propylon, there is a rectangular area, 5.3 x ca. 20 m in dimensions, paved with a crude tessallated floor of squares marked by black tesserae with red crosslets in their centers24. A 5.2 m broad staircase of ten kurkar steps (figs. 3, p. 250, and 9), off-center relative to the propylon, climbs 1.5 m up25 to the Upper Piazza, which is tessalated. The staircase is flanked by two platforms, forming two extensions of the tessalated piazza. A Greek inscription (still in situ) comprising six lines of large letters, set in a tabula ansata and facing north, was laid in the mosaic floor at the bottom of the staircase (fig. 9).

Fig. 9. — The staircase and the tessalated inscription 1 at its bottom, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 2014

The tessalated inscription (Inscription 1)

10Dated to the 10^th indiction between 546-606 CE (more specifically to one of these years: 546, 561, 576, 591, or 606), it reads26 (fig. 10):

Fig. 10. — Inscription 1, between 546-606 CE, Caesarea Maritima, Israel

Under Flavius Entolius, the most glorious (endoxotatos) general (stratelatos) and governor (anthypatos), Flavius Strategius, the most admired (peribleptos), father (pater) and first man (proteuon) [of the city, built] the arch (apsis) together with the wall (toichos) and the staircase (anabathmoi) from public funds (apo politikon), in the tenth indiction. With good fortune.

11The word «built» is just suggested by the editor; «restored» can be placed there as well, changing the meaning accordingly. The existence of an earlier phase is evident in the flooring of the Lower Piazza, mentioned above, and indicates that there was a restoration phase. The public funds referred to are city funds, municipal funds27. Holum suggested that the apsis is the arch of the propylon, the toichos is the continuous wall delineating the Lower Piazza on the west, and anabathra is the staircase climbing up to the Upper Piazza. Hence, according to him, two of the three elements mentioned in that inscriptions —the arch and the wall— refer to elements located in the southern section of the complex, at the back of the reader28. The editors of CIIP accepted this interpretation.

The Upper Piazza

12This part of the complex (fig. 11) is not depicted on Yeivin’s plan. It might have been cleaned at a later stage. The Upper Piazza, 8 m wide, is paved by a crude mosaic floor of a geometric pattern composed of octagons with inscribed squares, all marked in red tesserae. A 20 m long section of it is presently exposed29, but a sounding dug by Yeivin 80 m farther north suggests that the mosaic pavement had extended as far as the Decumanus Maximus of the city (fig. 12)30. The total length of the complex, including the Lower Piazza, was thus 130 m, extending along an entire urban insula. A single course of a double wall is abutting the piazza on the east. The first, of smaller stones, seems to have been a low bench or a ledge, rather than a full-fledged wall. The second, to its east, is built of much larger stones, many of them laid as headers. The extant course seems to be a foundation course, preserved below sill and floor levels. Four rooms of different dimensions and layout opened to the piazza on this side. The southernmost, stone‑paved, seems to be a stable for pack animals, with a «trough» along its southern wall. The other three spaces might have been stores, or shops.

Fig. 11. — The Upper Piazza, general view, looking south, Caesarea Maritima, Israel, 2014

Fig. 12. — The location of the batmon/gradus complex on the city map, Caesarea Maritima, Israel

13On the west only the top of a single continuous course was preserved31. A sill course that had vanished might have existed above32. If this was the case, no continuous wall ran along the western side of the piazza, but rather there was a row of stores or shops, like those on the eastern side, as was suggested by Holum; namely, that the elongated Upper Piazza was flanked by shops and served as a pedestrian mall, accessible also to small pack animals, but not to wheeled traffic of wagons. He opined that the propylon was its ornate southern entrance, and that it was preceded by a marble-paved court33.

Inscription on a marble pier (Inscription 2)

14A second inscription (fig. 13) commemorating building projects carried out by another pater poleus and authorized by another governor was found not too far afield. The inscription is dated to the mid 5^th-early 6^th century; it might had preceded inscription 1 by a century and more. It was found in 1895 inscribed on a grey marble pier with an attached half-column. The capital of this pier was found as well (fig. 13a). Both pieces were found 70 m east of the eastern gate of the Crusader city (marked by the interjunction between Cardo E1 and Decumanus Maximus in fig. 12 p. 000), to the north of the dirt road that led east34: namely, at some distance from the complex at our concern, to the north-west. The 19^th century dirt road outskirted on the south the eastern Crusaders gate (in ruins at that time), and the Decumanus Maximus of the Late Antique city. Hence, this dirt road passed somewhat to the south of the present asphalt road and the anta bearing the inscription might have been located on the southern edge of the Decumanus Maximus of the Late Antique city, marking the northern gate to a basilike and to a complex entitled «Hadrianeum» mentioned in the inscription. Namely, these complexes had extended to the south of the Decumanus Maximus. It cannot be excluded that originally it stood nearer to Cardo E2, on both sides of which the complex at our concern extends.

Fig. 13. — The pier on which inscription 2 is incised (mid 5^th-early 6^th century), Caesarea Maritima, Israel

15Here is the text35:

Under Flavius Euelpidius, the most magnificent count (megaloprepestatos komes), and Helius, the most resplendent (lamprotatos) father of the city (patros tes poleos), the basilica (basilike)36 along with the marble revetment (plakoseos)37 and the mosaic pavement (psefoseos) and the steps (bathmon) of the Hadrianeum were constructed38 in the first indiction, with good fortune.

16Euelpidius was the governor authorizing the expenditure39. The father of the city in this case was Helius/Elias. Four architectural elements are listed: a basilica, marble and mosaic works, and the steps (bathmoi) of the Hadrianeum. The interrelation among them is vague. This vagueness is also reflected in the available translations40. Are they four adjacent but separate, elements? Are the marble and mosaic works related to the basilica41? Are they related to the Hadrianeum, together with the bathmoi42? Or are they referring to a separate public project (such as paving the adjacent street or streets with marble and mosaics)? Like L. Di Segni, I maintain that the plakosis and psefosis of the inscription should not be associated with the Hadrianeum. This structure —the Hadrianeum— and its bathmoi are at our concern below.

Discussion

17Both inscriptions have several features in common: both are building inscriptions; a governor and a pater poleus are mentioned in both. Both refer to grades (anabathmoi/bathmoi). Inscription 2 mentions an urban element entitled Hadrianeum; inscription 1 was set adjacent to the seated statue of Emperor Hadrian. The table below presents features in common (and at variance) in both inscriptions —administrative offices, personal names and architectural features:

**Seemingly components of the Lower Piazza.

18Both inscriptions, laid a century or more apart, refer to important urban building projects, that required the authorization of the provincial governor. They were inscribed on behalf of a father of the city (patros tes poleus/pater civitatis), who was in charge of the finances of the city, including responsibility over the public building projects43. The location and identity of the basilica mentioned in inscription 2 is debated and not at our concern here44. It is logical to assume that this basilica and the Hadrianeum were adjacent structures.

19Hadrianeum can refer to a temple for the imperial cult of Hadrian, as in Ephesus45. Such was seemingly the function also of the Hadrianeum in Tiberias mentioned by Epiphanius of Salamis in the 4^th century46. The seated porphyry statue of Hadrian may suggest that the complex at our concern was known in the 5^th and 6^th century as Hadrianeum. The apsis and wall of inscription 1 may be elements of the Lower Piazza. The grades mentioned in both inscriptions may refer to the actual staircase or grades. Inscription 2 —the earlier of the two— naming them grades of the Hadrianeum; inscription 1 was set near a statue of Hadrian. Hence it is suggestive to assume that both addressed the same graded structure. The first, naming it, seems to refer to its inauguration; the second —seemingly to its refurbishing by replacing the crude mosaic floor of the Lower Piazza by marble pavement, adorning it by an elegant arch and delineating it by a walls. But do the steps (anabathmoi) of inscription 1 refer only to the actual staircase at the bottom of which it was laid? The fact that this feature is of modest dimensions raises some doubts. Is there a reason to boast about the construction, or refurbishing, of such a modest feature? Did its construction require the involvement of the pater poleus and the authorization of the governor? The «steps» of inscription 2 seem to point to the correct interpretation. The «bathmoi of the Hadrianeum» of this inscription seem to be an architectural complex of the scale of a basilike, not a staircase of minor significance. Cautiously I would like to suggest that the reference here is to a facility like the Roman or Constantinopolitan gradus —an architectural complex where free bread was distributed47. According to the Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae, 117 such installations existed in that city in the late 4^th century48; none left its traces, neither in Rome. Opinions vary about the shape of this structure. Some opined that it was a sort of elevated tribunal (suggestum) with narrow steps, resembling a ledge, leading up, like the depiction of congiaria scenes on Roman coins49. But according to the literary sources, such buildings had to be conspicuous, and the bread distributed in a manner clearly seen. According to Prudentius, the bread was distributed from the top of grades (panis […] gradiles dispensus ab altis50).

20Inscription 1 (fig. 9, p. 254) was laid at the bottom of the stairs from the top of which bread was distributed —at the very location where the recipients stood, waiting to get their ration51. But I suggest that the anabathmoi of the inscription refers to the entire architectural complex —gradus—, not to the modest staircase. The passage from the sitting area to the distribution area was solemnly marked by a decorated gate (propylon). Passage was permitted only through the central, arcuated bay.

21A gradus installation must have had not only stairs; it must have held other components: open space where the recipients could gather in an orderly manner and inspect that no fraud is involved. Sitting benches could contribute to the good order. Storage spaces for the loaves of bread and stables for the pack animals bringing them from the public bakeries52, are to be expected as well (fig. 14). All the architectural components of the Caesarean gradus —a well paved sitting area with benches on either side that could sit more ca. 250 people; a staircase flanked by two protruding wings, where guards, or inspectors could stand; and a storage area with a stable, are in accord with what should be expected in a distribution facility. It is reasonable to assume that facilities of this type in Constantinople, Rome and anywhere, were likewise furnished, though, they layout could be different. If the Caesarean complex at our concern really was a sort of gradus, it would be the only of this type that survived from Late Antiquity.

Fig. 14. — Suggested restoration of the batmon/gradus complex, Caesarea Maritima, Israel

22At the absence of literary sources there are many unknown quantitative and regulatory details pertaining to the distribution system in Caesarea (if it existed at all): the number of recipients53, the rations allotted54, the frequency of distribution (daily, like in Constantinople and Rome, monthly, or only on special occasions?). The sitting capacity of the Lower Piazza could accommodate just 250 people at a time (two or three times as much people could wait there standing, of course)55. Was this the only installation of this type in Caesarea? Is it reasonable to assume that the number of recipients was so low? In order to let more recipients we have to assume that there were more distribution facilities in Caesarea. We may also let more shifts per day. But even if we let six shifts per day, we’ll get just 1 500 (sitting) recipients —half of their number in Oxyrhynchus, a city of minor administrative significance. So, seemingly there were more distribution facilities of this type in Caesarea56.

23Regulations pertaining to free distribution include eligibility57 —citizenship and residence, authentication, procedure of distribution, etc. The right of a city to allocate free distribution from its budget had first to be gratified by the central government, and this was determined, inter alia, by the financial means of the city58. Caesarea was «rich in everything59». The contemporary «Hippotrophoi inscription» (mid 6^th century TAQ), indicates that the city —a provincial capital— was indeed rich and had large resources60.

24To sum up, originally the Hadrianeum seems to have been a temple dedicated to the imperial cult of Hadrian61. For sure, inscription 2, dated to the 5^th-6^th century CE, does not refer to a restoration of a temple; the Early Roman Hadrianeum seems to have lent its name to the entire neighborhood where the inscription was found. If the complex at our concern, in which a statue of Emperor Hadrian was located, indeed continued as far north as the Decumanus Maximus (as is suggested by Yeivin’s sounding mentioned above), it is suggestive that this complex is the bathmoi, or gradus of the Hadrianeum referred to in the inscription. These bathmoi should be conceived not as a staircase of ten steps —a simple installation, the construction of which does not seem neither to merit a praising building inscription, nor to requiring a governor’s authorization. This term rather seems to refer to a construction of the type of a Constantinopolitan, or a Roman gradus —a bread-distribution facility, entitled here the bathmoi, or gradus of the Hadrianeum; a complex where bread was distributed, gratuite, to privileged citizens. It was a complex extending along a section of Cardo E2, on both sides, between the Decumanus Maximus in the north to Decumanus S1 in the south (fig. 12, p. 256)62. It comprised a Lower and an Upper Piazza clearly divided (fig. 14, p. 260); a walled sitting area equipped with long benches in the Lower Piazza, adorned with two colossal statues that were dragged there from older temples (one of them from the adjacent Hadrianeum, so it seems); and storage rooms and a stable in the Upper Piazza. It enabled the allotment of food in an orderly manner. Inscription 1 seems to refer to a restoration of this complex and the addition of a decorative arch in its center, and walling it off better.

25Back to the basilica. According to a Rabbinic source, referring to Ascalon, corn was sold there in basilicas63. If such was the function of the Caesarean basilica of inscription 2, than the building project referred to in this inscription concern the provision of food to the city: selling of corn, seemingly under controlled prices, to the entire population, and distribution of bread, gratuite, to a privileged sector of citizens. The building project was also adorned with marble pavement or revetment and with mosaic works.