Terminology on defensive structures in Portuguese medieval documents
Elements for a comparative approach to the case of the Diocese of Oporto (11th-12th century)
Résumé
The aim of this paper is to study the terminology related to the defensive elements used, mentioned, or included by the Medieval Portuguese documents. In particular, we will focus on the area of the Diocese of Oporto (North of Portugal) between the 11th and 12th century. The words used to identify these elements are not always obvious. In particular, the term mons calls for a specific analysis, the results of which could have, in part, criticized the traditional Portuguese historiography on castelologia. The comparison between the case of Oporto and another European reality - the micro-region of Brianza (North of Milan, Lombardy, Italy) – will highlight its peculiarity.
Entrées d’index
Keywords : medieval defensive elements, medieval written sources, Oporto Diocese, north of Milan, castles, Mons
Remerciements
We would like to thank Dr. Francesco Renzi (CEHR-UCP), Tommaso Gallo (field archaeologist), Professor Mário J. Barroca (CITCEM-FLUP) and Maeve L' Estrange (PhD candidate, School of Archaeology, University College Dublin) for their help, critics and advices.
Texte intégral
Introduction
1In this paper, we will review the terms used to describe the defensive elements mentioned in Medieval Portuguese sources. We will focus particularly on the territory of the Diocese of Oporto - within its contemporary borders – between the 11th and 12th century1. We chose this period due to the fact that is when the administrative land divisions known as terras and consequently their governors, the tenens, first appeared. Moreover, in these centuries, the availability of archive research material made it possible to retrieve and study a good number of documents mentioning (potential) defensive elements.
2So far, the area mentioned above has been scarcely studied on this specific perspective. Although this territory was a military border with the Muslims (until 1064, when Fernando the Great occupied once and for all the city of Coimbra), the documents do not show clearly a strong defensive connotation of this area, and the language used to indicate the fortifications is not always easy to understand.
3For these reasons, we will deal with both direct and indirect references2, regarding the defensive structures, comparing a selected number of relevant documents and underlining their peculiar features.
4To highlight the peculiarity of the Portuguese case, we will compare the Diocese of Oporto with another European example: the area North of Milan (Italy), known as Brianza3. We decided to compare these two European regions because they share the same features: they are both hilly, they have suffered external attacks – Vikings and Muslims in «Portugal», Hungarians in North of Italy – and both territories were part of very strong systems: the Leon-Castile kingdom (County of Portucale) and the Carolingian and Holy Roman Empire (North of Italy, and therefore the Brianza area).
5This paper arises from the research for our Ph.D. thesis, of which the main focus is defensive elements4. During the development of the thesis, we realized how clear the differences between the Portuguese and the North Italian records were. Here there are the first conclusions on the subject, which we hope to develop in-depth in the future. The main goal of this article, both due to the lack of space and to the early stage of the current research, it is not to give an answer but to reopen the discussion on this subject.
The Diocese of Oporto and its defensive elements
6In figure 1, it is outlined the area that we are studying. We decided to use the modern borders of the Diocese because between the 9th and 12th century there were no such established and defined boundaries5.
Figure 1 - The delimitation of the modern territory of the Diocese of Oporto
Map by author and Luca Caloi (University of Padova)
7As it is well known, it is only by the end of the 19th century that the Diocese of Oporto established its borders6. Nevertheless, it is very important to underline that the choice of the territory of the Diocese of Oporto is not related to its ecclesiastical value, but simply to define a boundary for this research.
8The part of the Diocese of Oporto south of Douro River has been a contended border between Christians and Muslims for almost two centuries7. The Diocese itself was only restored between 1112 and 11138. The first appointed bishop was Hugo (1112-1136), a former archdeacon of Compostela and a trustful man of Diego Gelmírez9. Hugo needed to establish the borders of his bishopric and this ultimately it ended up with conflicts with its neighbours: the dioceses of Braga and Coimbra.
9In previous researches10 we expected to find a larger number of defensive elements (towers and castles) related to the protection of the borders of the Diocese. However, this does not seem to be the case. It is very interesting to point out the fact that, apparently, under Hugo’s direct jurisdiction there was only a castle: the one known (in sources) as Castrum Luneta, existing at least from 1072, after which disappeared from documented sources after 113811.
10It would appear that such castles, originally created also by the rural communities as their last stronghold, by the second half of the 11th century belonged to the local nobility, but always on the behalf of the royal power12.
11The research - mainly carried out by the study of published medieval Portuguese documents, consulted at the Torre do Tombo (the national Portuguese archive, in Lisbon)13 - did not change the circumstances: despite the abundant records14, the sources do not provide any information about the defensive elements apart from indicating their (potential15) existence.
12We would also like to highlight the lack of some recurring defensive elements, common in other parts of Europe, i.e. fortified villages16.
13Furthermore, all the castra apparently named in the sources (especially between the 9th and the beginning of the 11th century) appear to be minor and scattered military structures if nothing more than watching towers (the so-called atalaias)17.
14The lack of a clear correlation between defensive elements and toponymy can be considered as quite an underrated issue. As we know, the spreading of Iron Age castreja culture in the Northeast of the Iberian Peninsula produced, within the topographical and settlement record, hundreds of entries for places named castro, castrello, crasto or crastello18. Pointing out the specific research topic, it has turned out that this setting could represent an issue rather than a resource.
15When, for our research, we were dealing with the Italian territory, we found entries for places whose names were connected with castles or defensive elements, increasing our chances of finding something relevant. Perhaps these defensive elements did not match up with our current research focus, but instead would fit within a timespan ranging between the Late Antiquity and the Late Middle Ages19.
16As mentioned above, we have to work with primary (direct) and secondary (indirect) sources.
17For the first ones we can see in Table A some examples that could shed a light on the situation.
Table A - examples of direct references of defensive structures in the territory of the Diocese of Oporto (11th-12th century)
18Sources quote just the name of the defensive elements, mostly castles, with no further details or information.
19Concerning the castles and the expressions that represent them in the documents, Barroca states:
However, when the same document refers to two structures of different importance, one designated as monte, mons, alpe, or castrum, and another by castellum or, more rarely, by oppidum or civitas, the second is always more important than the first20.
20Among the examples in Table A, the one that stands out is dated (probably) 1100 (DC 952). From this document, we know that in Vilarinho (municipality of Santo Tirso) there was a castle in existence (at least since the 11th century) and we know that a certain Floila (Froila?) owned it.
21Finally, the last case is probably the most interesting. Maybe the document refers to some ancient defensive element: it might have been a part of an Iron Age castro. It is hard to establish whether this was still in use when that document was written.
Table B - examples of indirect references of defensive structures in the territory of the Diocese of Oporto (11th-12th century)
22It is quite hard to establish the kind of relationship that Middle Age people had with their cultural heritage, their past legacy and its remains. Furthermore, this is one of the crucial questions that we need to deal with. This is why every single occurrence needs to be handled and investigated carefully.
23In Table B, we have among the witnesses, possibly used to define a specific chronology, the so-called tenentes. These men belonged to groups of aristocrats who controlled some castles and the prominent defensive structure within a specific territory21. These castles were mainly the so-called cabeça de terra: the headquarters of the Terras, the territorial administrative units typically developed in the county of Portugal, from the mid-11th century, under the reign of Fernando I the Great, king of León-Castile22.
Mons
24A detailed analysis should be sought to define the meaning of the word mons (mountain, hill): this term could have a military and/or a geographical meaning.
25Carlos Alberto Ferreira de Almeida was the first scholar who had the intuition to look into its etymology. His work Castelologia Medieval de entre Douro e Minho, desde as origens a 1220, although written forty years ago, still remains the cornerstone of the Portuguese castelologia studies23. According to this scholar, the term mons had not only a geographic function to indicate where the villages or properties were, but also a political/administrative and consequently military meaning24.
26As we can see in Table C, it is hard to establish a consistent rule in which all the montes indicate defensive elements. This is why, once again, it is crucial to review each and every single occurrence.
27Mainly Mário Barroca25 and Antonio Lima26 have later taken up the work of Ferreira de Almeida, but more recently, some new scholars have offered a different insight. We are specifically referring to André Evangelista Marques 27.
Table C - examples of sources mentioning Mons in the territory of the Diocese of Oporto (11th-12th century)
28For this reason, we decided to focus mainly on written sources, reading and analysing the Latin documents. Later on, during a second stage, we reviewed the contribution of the traditional historiography, in order to prevent any biased view.
29At the present stage of research, we are not able to side with one or the other theory. We believe that only by the end of the undergoing thesis we will be able, hopefully, to resolve the issue. If, on one hand, we can accept the objections raised by Marques28, on the other, Barroca recently pointed out that some cases, especially from the first half of the 12th century, could be considered uncertain29.
30For this reason, we are also trying to carry on multidisciplinary research, the purpose of which is to confirm - or not - the intuitions of Ferreira de Almeida, in particular with the help of material supports.
The Brianza micro region
31To highlight the peculiarity of the Portuguese case, we will compare the Diocese of Oporto with the area North of Milan, the micro-region known as Brianza30. This territory has similar features with northern Portugal for three main reasons. First, the landscape (mostly hilly and rich in waterways). Secondly, both territories were exposed to external attacks (Normans and Muslims for Portugal, Hungarians for Brianza). And lastly, both areas were part of wider political entities (Kingdom of León and Castile and Holy Roman Empire)31.
32The territory of Brianza, actually, corresponds to approximately a third part of the area of the Diocese of Oporto (figure 5); nevertheless, at the current stage of our research, it appears that defensive elements are far more frequent32.
Figure 5 - The Brianza micro region: North of Milan, Lombardy, Italy
Map by Author and Luca Caloi (University of Padova)
33If, on one hand, the general database for the Brianza territory we developed during the research appears to be less than the Portuguese one33, on the other, the examples in Table D point out the abundance of information we can find in the Italian documents.
34From these documents, we can see the existence of some defensive features. Some documents just mention them; other documents are acta in a castrum. Some inform that one specific church or some solariata houses34 were built within the boundary of the castrum. In addition, we know that some castrum have stone walls or a moat. We learned from some examples that moats around some villages, or that the burgus of Carate Brianza had at least one door, confirming the presence of a defensive wall, being in stone or timber.
35It is very important to understand that the term castrum (that can be switched with castellum within the same documentary record35) very often was used to describe a fortified part of a village, and not necessarily a military castle itself.
Table D - Examples of direct references of defensive structures in the territory of Brianza (11th-12th century)
36This is probably related to its own meaning from the word castrum intended as a Roman military camp. It then makes the presence of very specific terms such as spinata rather peculiar36.
37We have some indirect references pointing out the presence of defensive elements, especially castles, for the Italian case too - see Table E.
38Even if these references do not shed any peculiar late information, they often help to predate the origin of a castle37.
Table E - Examples of indirect references of defensive elements in the territory of Brianza (11th-12th century)
39In the last part of this paper, in table F, we summarised the defensive elements we found so far during this research. We voluntarily excluded all the elements connected with any ecclesiastical structure. We think they deserve a specific research: that is why we decided to not consider them38.
Table F - Resuming table with defensive elements terminology (9th-13th century)
Adapted from MARIANI, 2017b, 115
Conclusions
40On the one hand, the Italian documents provide a wider amount of information about fortifications, their typologies, and their structures: this is clearly an example of what Aldo A. Settia defines as «historical archaeology», which means:
treating material aspects of the fortifications through written documents, by arguing that it has significant importance when it is conducted alongside the analysis of defensive elements that otherwise would be based only on what has survived to the present day39.
41This provides crucial support to our work as historians: quite often we work on a high percentage of so-called «paper castles». Castles that exist only in documents nowadays and of which we have no idea how they were structured.
42On the other hand, the Portuguese case shows how the support of archaeological data is essential in order to understand written sources and to improve and eventually correct the studies on defensive elements.
43 Being an undergoing research, we cannot provide a final conclusion on this subject but we hope to go back on this issue in future papers as well having stimulated other scholars into research on this topic.
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PORTELA SILVA, Ermelindo (2016) - Diego Gelmírez (c.1065 1140). El báculo y la ballesta. Madrid: Marcial Pons.
RONCAI, Luciano (2013) - Dizionarietto di nomenclatura castellana. Cremona: Provincia di Cremona, Istituto Italiano Castelli.
SETTIA, Aldo (1984) - Castelli e villaggi nell'Italia padana. Popolamento, potere e sicurezza fra IX e XIII secolo. Napoli: Liguori.
SILVA, Armando Coelho Ferreira da (1986) - A Cultura castreja: no noroeste de Portugal. Paços de Ferreira: Câmara Municipal de Paços de Ferreira.
VENTURA, Leontina Domingos (1992) - A Nobreza da Corte de D. Afonso III. Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra. Tese de Doutoramento.
Notes de bas de page
1 For an historical overview on these centuries see, among the others: MATTOSO, José (1985) - Ricos-homens infanções e cavaleiros: a nobreza medieval portuguesa nos séculos XI e XII. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores; MATTOSO, José (ed.) (1993) - História de Portugal, A Monarquia Feudal (1096-1480), vol. II. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores; MATTOSO, José (2001) - A nobreza medieval portuguesa. A família e o poder. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores; COELHO, Maria Helena da Cruz; HOMEM, Armando Luís de Carvalho (ed.) (1996) - Portugal em definição de fronteiras (1096-1325): do Condado Portucalense a crise do século XIV. Nova História de Portugal, vol. III. Lisboa: Editorial Presença. On the incastellamento phenomenon in Portugal see: ALMEIDA, Carlos Alberto Ferreira de (1978) - Castelologia medieval de Entre-Douro-e-Minho: desde as origens a 1220. Porto: FLUP. Trabalho complementar para prestação de provas de Doutoramento em História de Arte; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (1990-91) – Do castelo da reconquista ao castelo românico. (Séc. IX ao XII). Portvgalia. Porto, XI-XII, pp. 89-136; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2003) – «Da reconquista a D. Dinis». In Mattoso, José (ed.). Nova História militar de Portugal, I. Rio de Mouro: Círculo de Leitores, pp. 21-162; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2004) - Forticações e Povoamento no Norte de Portugal (Séc. IX a XI). Portvgalia. Porto. Nova Série, XXV, pp. 181-203; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2017a) – «Prope litore Maris. O sistema defensivo da orla litoral da Diocese do Porto (séc. IX-XII)». In Amaral, L.C. (ed.). Um poder entre poderes. Nos 900 anos da diocese do Porto e da construção do cabido Portucalense. Porto: Cabido Portucalense / CEHR-UCP, pp. 199-243; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2017b) – «A arquitectura militar portuguesa no tempo de D. Afonso Henriques». In Barroca, Mário Jorge (ed.). No tempo de D. Afonso Henriques. Reflexões sobre o primeiro século português. Porto: CITCEM, pp.125-158; LIMA, António Manuel de Carvalho (1993) - Castelos medievais do curso terminal do Douro (Séculos IX-XII). Porto: FLUP. Dissertação de mestrado.
2 We will use both published cartularies and single documents (see bibliography).
3 For an historical overview on 11th and 12th century in Brianza territory see: PAREDI, Angelo (1973) – «Dall'età barbarica al comune». In Bosisio, A.; Vismara, G. (ed.). In Le vicende politiche dalla preistoria all'età sforzesca. Storia di Monza e della Brianza I. Milano: Il Polifilio, pp. 71-183; BARNI, Gian Luigi (1973) – «Dall'età comunale all'età sforzesca». In Bosisio, A.; Vismara, G. (ed.). In Le vicende politiche dalla preistoria all'età sforzesca. Storia di Monza e della Brianza I. Milano: Il Polifilio, pp. 187-373; MAMBRETTI, Renato (2007a) – «Dai re d'Italia al Ducato sforzesco. L'età medievale». In Bressan, E. (ed.), Storia della Brianza, I. Storia e Politica. Oggiono: Cattaneo Editore, pp. 97-157. On the incastellamento phenomenon specific for this area see: MAMBRETTI, Renato (2007b) – «L' incastellamento». In Bressan, E. (ed.). Storia della Brianza, I, Storia e Politica. Oggiono: Cattaneo Editore, pp. 158-171; MARIANI, Andrea (2015a) - Nuovi studi riguardo gli elementi difensivi nel territorio brianteo fra X e XIII secolo. Rivista Archeologica dell’Antica Provincia e Diocesi di Como. Como. Vol. 197, pp. 161-182; MARIANI, Andrea (2015b) - La multidisciplinarietà come scelta vincente per lo studio dei castelli: l’esempio della Brianza fra X e XIII sec. MITTELALTER - Moyen âge - medio evo - temp medieval. Basel. 20/4, pp. 104-123. On the incastellamento in the North of Italy see, among the others: SETTIA, Aldo (1984) - Castelli e villaggi nell'Italia padana. Popolamento, potere e sicurezza fra IX e XIII secolo. Napoli: Liguori.
4 Our PhD thesis - Le strutture fortificate medievali nel territorio della Diocesi di Porto (Nord del Portogallo) e della Brianza (Nord Italia): uno studio comparativo (IX-XII secolo). Supervisors prof. LUÍS CARLOS Amaral and M. J. Barroca, FLUP, University of Oporto - compares the defensive elements of the territory of the Diocese of Oporto with the ones of Brianza.
5 The problems in defining the frontiers between Oporto, Braga and Coimbra is a matter of interest since decades. Among the others see: MANSILLA, Demetrio (1955) - Restauración de las sufragáneas de Braga a través de la reconquista. Revista Portuguesa de História. Coimbra. VI/I, pp.117-148; OLIVEIRA, Miguel de (1956) - Os Territórios Diocesanos. Como passou para o Porto a Terra de Santa Maria. Lusitania Sacra. Lisboa. I, pp. 29-50; MARQUES, José (2002) - «Relações entre as Dioceses do Porto e de Braga, na Idade Média: alguns aspetos». In Tempos e Lugares de Memória, Atas do 1.º Congresso sobre a Diocese do Porto (5-8 Dez 1998). Vol. II. Porto/Arouca: Centro de Estudos D. Domingos de Pinho Brandão Universidade Católica-Centro Regional do Porto Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto-Departamento de Ciências e Técnicas do Património, pp. 21-56; CUNHA, Maria Cristina (2013). «Coimbra and Porto: Episcopacy and National Identity in Diocesan Border Quarrels». In Herbers, K.; Engel, F. Das begrenzte Papsttum Spielräume päpstlichen Handelns. Legaten-delegierte Richter-Grenzen. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp.133-145; CUNHA, Maria Cristina (2017) - «Os limites da diocese do Porto com as suas vizinhas de Braga e Coimbra: problemas e soluções». In Amaral, L.C. (ed.). Um poder entre poderes. Nos 900 anos da diocese do Porto e da construção do cabido Portucalense. Porto: Cabido Portucalense / CEHR-UCP, pp. 147-159; MARIANI, Andrea; RENZI, Francesco (2017) - Lettere e privilegi papali durante il pontificato di Ugo di Oporto (1112-1136): nuovi studi ed ipotesi di ricerca. CEM Cultura, Espaço & Memória. Porto. Vol. 8, pp. 91-107; MARIANI, Andrea (2017b) - «Elementi difensivi lungo il confine nord della diocesi di Porto fra IX e XII secolo: primi risultati». In Rosas, L.; Sousa, A.C.; Barreira, H. (ed.). Genius Loci. Lugares e significados. Places and Meanings, vol. II. Porto: CITCEM, pp. 107-119; MARIANI, Andrea; RENZI, Francesco (2018) - The «Territorialization» of the episcopal Power in Medieval Portugal. A study on the bullae of Popes Paschalis II and Calixtus II and the conflicts between the dioceses of Oporto, Braga and Coimbra (12th century). Lusitania Sacra. Lisboa. 37 (Janeiro-Junho 2018), pp.161-187.
6 MARQUES, Bernardo de Serpa (2002) - «O espaço da diocese do Porto: limites e áreas regionais». In Tempos e Lugares de Memória, Atas do 1.º Congresso sobre a Diocese do Porto (5-8 Dez 1998). vol. II. Porto/Arouca: Centro de Estudos D. Domingos de Pinho Brandão Universidade Católica-Centro Regional do Porto Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto-Departamento de Ciências e Técnicas do Património, pp. 173-185.
7 Considering the conquest of Oporto, Coimbra, and Chaves in the second half of IX century until the definitive conquest of Coimbra (1054) which gave the entire territory of the Diocese a definitive period of peace, with the exception of some internal episodes in the Northern part of the Duero River. For example, the battle of Pedroso (1071) where Nuno Mendes, the last count of the first Condado Portucalense, died fighting against Garcia II, king of Galicia. On this episode, see, among the others, FERNANDES, Armando de Almeida (1972) – Portugal no Período Vimaranense (868-1128). V. Do fastígio à queda e à ruína. Revista de Guimarães. Guimarães. Vol. 82, n° 1-2, pp. 77-90 and GOUVEIA, Mário (2013) - Nuno Mendes (?-1071): o último conde de Portucale. Revista Portuguesa de História. Coimbra. Vol. 44, pp. 153-187.
8 On the restauration of the Diocese of Oporto see the recent AMARAL, LUÍS CARLOS (2017) - «A Restauração da Diocese do Porto e a chegada do Bispo D. Hugo». In Amaral, L.C. (ed.). Um poder entre poderes. Nos 900 anos da diocese do Porto e da construção do cabido Portucalense. Porto: Cabido Portucalense / CEHR-UCP, pp. 23-45.
9 On Hugo of Oporto see, among the others, MARIANI, Andrea; RENZI, Francesco (2017) - Lettere e privilegi papali durante il pontificato di Ugo di Oporto (1112-1136): nuovi studi ed ipotesi di ricerca. CEM Cultura, Espaço & Memória. Porto. Vol. 8, pp. 91-107; MARIANI, Andrea; RENZI, Francesco (2018) – The «Territorialization» of the episcopal Power in Medieval Portugal. A study on the bullae of Popes Paschalis II and Calixtus II and the conflicts between the dioceses of Oporto, Braga and Coimbra (12th century). Lusitania Sacra. Lisboa. 37 (Janeiro-Junho 2018), pp.161-187; MARIANI, Andrea; RENZI, Francesco (2019) – «Redescubrir un obispo ibérico del siglo XII: Hugo de Oporto y el contexto político-eclesiástico del Condado de Portugal (1112-1136)». In Neyra, A.V.; Casamiquela Gerhold, V. (ed.) – Sociedad, Cultura y Religión en la Plena Edad Media. Buenos Aires: IMHICIHU-CONICET, pp. 63-93 and AMARAL, LUÍS CARLOS (2017) - «A Restauração da Diocese do Porto e a chegada do Bispo D. Hugo». In Amaral, L.C. (ed.). Um poder entre poderes. Nos 900 anos da diocese do Porto e da construção do cabido Portucalense. Porto: Cabido Portucalense / CEHR-UCP, pp. 23-45. On the archbishop of Santiago de Compostela, see PORTELA SILVA, Ermelindo (2016) - Diego Gelmírez (c.1065 1140). El báculo y la ballesta. Madrid: Marcial Pons.
10 We refer to our paper Oporto versus Coimbra and Braga: Bishop Hugo's Struggle for Diocesan Frontiers, Leeds, IMC 2018, 05-07-2018 (1504-b). This paper will be a part of the work: RENZI, Francesco; MARIANI, Andrea; SILVA, Maria Joao Oliveira e; AMARAL, LUÍS CARLOS – «A “Frenchman” in Portugal. Bishop Hugo of Porto and the transformations of the north-western Iberian Peninsula in the early 12th century», in Greenfield, J. (ed.) Studies in Memory: CITCEM Papers at the 2018 International Medieval Congress, Leeds, forthcoming.
11 DC = Portugaliae Monumenta Historica, Diplomata et Chartae. Lisboa: Academia das Ciências, 1867 e ss., doc. 500, DR I = AZEVEDO, Rui Pinto de (ed.) (1958) - Documentos medievais portugueses. Documentos régios. vol. I, tomo I. Lisboa: Academia Portuguesa da História, doc. 165.
12 BARROCA, Mário Jorge (1990-91) – Do castelo da reconquista ao castelo românico. (Séc. IX ao XII). Portvgalia. Porto. XI-XII, pp. 91-94.
13 I was in Torre do Tombo in January 2018, for 3 days, thanks to the financial support of CITCEM. I would like to thank Dott. Francesco Renzi (CEHR-UCP) for his kind support.
14 Currently, the general database of documents relating to the territory of the Diocese of Oporto reaches almost 1800 units (August 2018), including the unpublished records.
15 See, in this article, the part on Mons.
16 As we will see in the Brianza paragraph, it is very important to understand that the word castrum could mean a part of or a fortified village. It is quite impossible to mention the hundreds of works on this issue. For example, see: GUTIÉRREZ-GONZÁLES, José Avelino (2002) – «La fortificación pre-feudal en el norte peninsular: castros y recintos campesinos en la Alta Edad Media». In Ferreira Fernandes, I.C. (ed.). Mil anos de fortificações na Península Ibérica e no Magreb (500-1500): actas do Simpósio Internacional sobre Castelos. Lisboa: Colibri, pp. 16-29; BOURGEOIS, Luc (2013) - « Castrum et habitat des élites (France et ses abords, vers 880-vers 1000) ». In Iogna-Prat [Et. Al.] (ed.). Le monachisme et l'émergence d'une société seigneuriale, Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, pp. 463-487 ; BOURGEOIS, Luc ; REMY, Christian (2012) – «Les agglomérations d'origine castrale entre Loire et Dordogne (milieu du Xe-début du XIVe siècle): pôles castraux et habitats subordonnés». In Flambard Héricher, A. M.; Le Maho, J. (ed.). Château, ville et pouvoir au Moyen Âge. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 51-80; MARIANI, Andrea (2015a) - Nuovi studi riguardo gli elementi difensivi nel territorio brianteo fra X e XIII secolo. Rivista Archeologica dell’Antica Provincia e Diocesi di Como. Como. Vol. 197, pp. 162-166.
17 I wanted to verify what said in BARROCA, Mário Jorge (1990-91) – Do castelo da reconquista ao castelo românico. (Séc. IX ao XII). Portvgalia. Porto, XI-XII, p. 91 through field walk visits and survey with the archaeologists Santos, Lima, Silva and Sousa, whom I thank for their availability. This goes partially against what I previously supposed in MARIANI, Andrea (2017b) - «Elementi difensivi lungo il confine nord della diocesi di Porto fra IX e XII secolo: primi risultati». In Rosas, L.; Sousa, A.C.; Barreira, H. (ed.). Genius Loci. Lugares e significados. Places and Meanings, vol. II. Porto: CITCEM, pp. 114-115.
18 On the cultura castreja see the classic SILVA, Armando Coelho Ferreira da (1986) - A Cultura castreja: no noroeste de Portugal. Paços de Ferreira: Câmara Municipal de Paços de Ferreira.
19 A clear example is the one of Monte Castelletto in Pescate (Lecco, Italy). See: MARIANI, Andrea (2015b) - La multidisciplinarietà come scelta vincente per lo studio dei castelli: l’esempio della Brianza fra X e XIII sec. MITTELALTER - Moyen âge - medio evo - temp medieval. Basel. 20/4, pp. 105-107; MARIANI, Andrea (2016a) - Die Provinz Brianza zwischen dem 10. und dem 13. Jahrhundert: Interdisziplinarität als erfolgreicher Ansatz der Burgenforschung. Burgen und Schlösser. Braubach. 1/2016, p.19; MARIANI, Andrea (2017a) – «Inquadramento territoriale della Curtis di Capiate nel contesto fortificato della Brianza lecchese medievale». In Mariani, A.; Carminati, F. (ed). La Curtis di Capiate fra Tardo Antico e Medioevo. Scoperte inedite e nuove ricerche sul territorio Atti della prima Giornata di Studi Monastero di Santa Maria del Lavello - Calolziocorte 21 maggio 2016. Milano: Associazione Capiate Radici nel futuro ONLUS, pp. 45 and 48; MARIANI, Andrea (2018). «The multi-disciplinary methodology as a means for the study of medieval defensive elements. Some Examples from the North territory of Milan County, Italy». In Sabaté, F; Brufal, J. (ed.). Medieval Territories. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 222-225; COSSANDI, Gianmarco (2016) - Dall’archeologia alla storia: alcune ricerche sulle fortificazioni di Monte Castelletto e Monte Barro. Galbiate: Parco regionale del Monte Barro.
20 Our translation of BARROCA, Mário Jorge (1990-91) – Do castelo da reconquista ao castelo românico. (Séc. IX ao XII). Portvgalia. Porto, XI-XII, p. 119: «No entanto, quando num mesmo documento se referem duas estruturas de importância diferente, uma designada como monte, mons, alpe, ou castro, e outra por castello ou, mais raras vezes, por oppido ou civitas, a segunda é sempre mais importante do que a primeira».
21 On the Tenentes, see in particular VENTURA, Leontina Domingos (1992) – A Nobreza da Corte de D. Afonso III. Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra. Tese de Doutoramento, pp. 100-102 and 997-1038; AMARAL, LUÍS CARLOS; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2012), A condessa-rainha: Teresa, Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, pp. 346-352. We could compare the tenentes with the so called Capitanei di Pieve, the local landlords under the authority of the Archbishop of Milan (MARIANI, Andrea (2017b) - «Elementi difensivi lungo il confine nord della diocesi di Porto fra IX e XII secolo: primi risultati». In Rosas, L.; Sousa, A.C.; Barreira, H. (ed.). Genius Loci. Lugares e significados. Places and Meanings, vol. II. Porto: CITCEM, p. 116 and p. 116 note 32 with bibliography on the Capitanei).
22 The Terras replaced bigger administrative land units called Civitas: BARROCA, Mário Jorge (1990-91) – Do castelo da reconquista ao castelo românico. (Séc. IX ao XII). Portvgalia. Porto, XI-XII, pp. 115-120; VENTURA, Leontina Domingos (1992) - A Nobreza da Corte de D. Afonso III. Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra. Tese de Doutoramento em História, pp. 254-261 and BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2003) – «Da reconquista a D. Dinis». In Mattoso, José (ed.). Nova História militar de Portugal, I. Rio de Mouro: Círculo de Leitores, pp. 72-77.
23 ALMEIDA, Carlos Alberto Ferreira de (1978) - Castelologia medieval de Entre-Douro-e-Minho: desde as origens a 1220. Porto: FLUP. Trabalho complementar para prestação de provas de Doutoramento em História de Arte.
24 ALMEIDA, Carlos Alberto Ferreira de (1978) - Castelologia medieval de Entre-Douro-e-Minho: desde as origens a 1220. Porto: FLUP. Trabalho complementar para prestação de provas de Doutoramento em História de Arte, pp. 25-27.
25 In particular, see: BARROCA, Mário Jorge (1990-91) – Do castelo da reconquista ao castelo românico. (Séc. IX ao XII). Portvgalia. Porto. XI-XII, pp. 89-136; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2003) – «Da reconquista a D. Dinis». In Mattoso, José (ed.). Nova História militar de Portugal, I. Rio de Mouro: Círculo de Leitores, pp. 21-162; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2004) - Fortificações e Povoamento no Norte de Portugal (Séc. IX a XI). Portvgalia. Porto. Nova Série, XXV, pp. 181-203; BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2017a) – «Prope litore Maris. O sistema difensivo da orla litoral da Diocese do Porto (séc. IX-XII)». In Amaral, L.C. (ed.). Um poder entre poderes. Nos 900 anos da diocese do Porto e da construção do cabido Portucalense. Porto: Cabido Portucalense / CEHR-UCP, pp. 199-243 and BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2017b) – «A arquitectura militar portuguesa no tempo de D. Afonso Henriques». In Barroca, Mário Jorge (ed.). No tempo de D. Afonso Henriques. Reflexões sobre o primeiro século português. Porto: CITCEM, pp.125-158.
26 LIMA, António Manuel de Carvalho (1993) - Castelos medievais do curso terminal do Douro (Séculos IX-XII). Porto: FLUP. Dissertação de Mestrado.
27 MARQUES, André (2008) – O Casal: Uma Unidade De Organizaçao Social Do Espaço Do Entre-Douro-E-Lima. Noia: Toxosoutos, pp. 147-151.
28 MARQUES, André (2008) – O Casal: Uma Unidade De Organizaçao Social Do Espaço Do Entre-Douro-E-Lima. Noia: Toxosoutos, pp.147-151, and here, in particular p. 149: «Ainda que a identificação entre montes e castros justifique a nossa opção de os considerar conjuntamente, não cremos, todavia, que este tipo de referências a montes remeta sempre para estruturas fortificadas. Isto porque não nos parece que ‘subtus’ ou ‘ad radicem’ impliquem necessariamente uma qualquer dependência de natureza político-militar. Além do mais, e este é o ponto que mais nos interessa ressaltar, verifique-se ou não esta dependência, tais expressões parecem-nos traduzir, na maior parte dos casos, uma relação topográfica».
29 BARROCA, Mário Jorge (2017a) – «Prope litore Maris. O sistema difensivo da orla litoral da Diocese do Porto (séc. IX-XII)». In Amaral, L.C. (ed.). Um poder entre poderes. Nos 900 anos da diocese do Porto e da construção do cabido Portucalense. Porto: Cabido Portucalense / CEHR-UCP, pp. 205-206.
30 To have a general idea on the history of this micro region see BRESSAN, Edoardo (ed.) (2007) - Storia della Brianza, Volume I. Storia e Politica. Oggiono: Cattaneo.
31 MARIANI, Andrea (2016b) – «The medieval fortified structures in the Diocese of Porto (North of Portugal) and in Brianza area (North of Italy): a comparative study (IX-XII century)». In Lopes, F.; Silva, A.; Aguiar, M. (ed). Incipit 4. Workshop de Estudos Medievais da Universidade do Porto. Porto: FLUP, p. 4.
32 In the proportion sq. km/ defensive elements.
33 More than 1400 documents (October 2018), including the unpublished ones.
34 This house had at least one floor, with the ground floor made of stone.
35 This is very different from the Portuguese case, as we saw.
36 Spinata was a live thorn hedge that initially surrounded a fortification without moat, palisade or boundary wall. It was often maintained even after the construction of these defensive elements: SETTIA, Aldo (1984) - Castelli e villaggi nell'Italia padana. Popolamento, potere e sicurezza fra IX e XIII secolo. Napoli: Liguori, pp. 371-372.
37 For example, the castra of Trezzo sull’Adda and Montesiro (Besana Brianza). In MARIANI, Andrea (2015a) - Nuovi studi riguardo gli elementi difensivi nel territorio brianteo fra X e XIII secolo. Rivista Archeologica dell’Antica Provincia e Diocesi di Como. Como. Vol. 197, pp. 161-182 and MARIANI, Andrea (2015b) - La multidisciplinarietà come scelta vincente per lo studio dei castelli: l’esempio della Brianza fra X e XIII sec. MITTELALTER - Moyen âge - medio evo - temp medieval. Basel. 20/4, p. 104-123, we proposed to date the first castle around the half of the 12th century, according with different Chronicles, and the second by the end of 13th century, according to a document – a testament. Then, we found new documents that backdate the castrum of Trezzo sull’Adda to the beginning of the 11th century (CORTESI, Mariarosa PRATESI, Alessandro (ed.) (2005), Le pergamene degli archivi di Bergamo aa. 1002-1058, Codice diplomatico della Lombardia medievale [on line]. Pavia [consult. 8 May 2019], and the castrum of Montesiro to the last quarter of the 12th century (BARONI, Maria Franca (ed.) (2003) - Le pergamene del secolo XII della Chiesa Maggiore di Milano (Capitolo Maggiore – Capitolo Minore - Decumani) conservate presso l’Archivio di Stato di Milano, Milano: Università degli Studi di Milano, doc. XXVII).
38 MARIANI, Andrea (2017b) - «Elementi difensivi lungo il confine nord della diocesi di Porto fra IX e XII secolo: primi risultati». In Rosas, L.; Sousa, A.C.; Barreira, H. (ed.). Genius Loci. Lugares e significados. Places and Meanings, vol. II. Porto: CITCEM, p. 115.
39 Quoted in MARIANI, Andrea (2018). «The multi-disciplinary methodology as a means for the study of medieval defensive elements. Some Examples from the North territory of Milan County, Italy». In Sabaté, F; Brufal, J. (ed.). Medieval Territories. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p. 216.
Auteur
CITCEM-FLUP (FCT Doctoral Grant Holder - SFRH/BD/109896/2015)
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Os Municípios no Portugal Moderno
Dos Forais Manuelinos às Reformas Liberais
Mafalda Soares da Cunha et Teresa Fonseca (dir.)
2005
A Historiografia Medieval Portuguesa na viragem do Milénio
Análise Bibliométrica (2000-2010)
Filipa Medeiros
2015
Ecclesiastics and political state building in the Iberian monarchies, 13th-15th centuries
Hermínia Vasconcelos Vilar et Maria João Branco (dir.)
2016
Da Comunicação ao Sistema de Informação
O Santo Ofício e o Algarve (1700-1750)
Nelson Vaquinhas
2010
