Introduction

1The Basílica de San Vicente in Ávila houses the first representation of the Passio of the Saints Vicente, Sabina and Cristeta in the form of a series of reliefs on the shrine dedicated to the namesake of the church. A central part of the narrative is made up by a series of depictions of Jews that take on central roles in the visual programme. These depictions are the focus of this article, that explores both their meaning and their function. In doing so it adds to the growing field of studies of the image of Jews in the visual culture of Castile. Even though regions such as France, Germany and England have been dominant within the field for a long time, more recent works have shifted the focus increasingly south to the Iberian Peninsula1. In contrast to studies concerned with a greater narrative within the development of the image of Jews, however, this article focusses on the images within their local context.

Figure 1 – The Shrine of San Vicente, North side, Basílica de San Vicente, Ávila

2In order to explore the meaning and function of the image of Jews on the monument, the article describes and analyses these images, after a general introduction to the visual programme of the shrine, in the light of the textual basis of the programme, the function of the monument within the church and the thematic and spatial connection between the shrine and the church programme of the basilica. In addition, the visual analysis uses twelfth-century ecclesiastical texts concerned with Jews and Judaism as means to connect the representation of Jews on the shrine to the ecclesiastical discourse of the twelfth century. This selection of texts is far from comprehensive and is not aiming to argue for a causal relationship between the texts of the authors, such as Peter the Venerable, and the visual programme of the shrine. Rather, these texts were chosen to represent the variety of ecclesiastical views on Jews written in the twelfth century and to show that the depictions of Jews on the shrine were deeply embedded in the Anti-Jewish ideas that were widespread throughout the twelfth-century ecclesiastical discourse on Jews and Judaism2. Based on these analyses, the article argues that the images of Jews on the shrine were used to support the legitimacy of the space as holy site and simultaneously reflected common Anti-Jewish tropes of the period3.

The programme of the shrine of San Vicente, Sabina and Cristeta

3The shrine is situated in the Basilica of San Vicente, whose construction likely began around 1125 and was finished no later than 12004. As part of this building process, the shrine was likely made in the second half of the twelfth century, though most scholars tend to date it into the last three decades of the century (Figure 1)5. Made largely of limestone from a nearby quarry, it is located in the crossing of the church, bordering on the southern transept. Its overall form imitates that of a church, orientated eastwards. Thus, the shrine imitates the appearance of the very church in which he is situated6. Built over a grave slab that is visible through the decorated arcades, its east and west side are decorated with two large sculptural groups, each flanked by two towers. The group of the west side depicts Christ in Majesty, whereas on the east side, we may see the Adoration of the Magi. In addition, small reliefs on the long sides and the face sides depict the apostles on the north, south and west side, and the Magi following the Star of Bethlehem and the Dream of the Magi on the east side. On the latter, one of the pillars furthermore was replaced with an atlas figure that is depicted carrying the weight of the construction. The spandrels of the north and south side furthermore are decorated with small reliefs that depict scenes of reading, writing and playing music7. The arcades of the long sides lead to a flat roof that terminates in a vertical zone, imitating the clerestory of a church building. Here, a series of reliefs depicts the life of the saints Vicente, Sabina and Cristeta, below a gabled roof. The monument is surrounded by a stone barrier, which appears to have been part of the original design because the lower half of the atlas figure on the west side is left unworked, which suggests that the figure was not designed to be fully visible and that a barrier was in place from the beginning.

4Whereas most of the visual programme of the shrine uses fairly common iconography, the depiction of the life of the saints is unique. Only little textual evidence of their legend has survived. Based on a Visigothic Hymn, which survived in a tenth-century codex from Santo Domingo de Silos, a version of the text probably existed before the invasion of Umayyad forces8. Only one manuscript that contains the complete Passio of the saints has survived9. Based on linguistic evidence, this text was likely further expanded in the tenth century10.

5The Passio begins with a retelling of the journey of Dacian to the Iberian Peninsula, and all the Christians who died the martyr´s death by his hands. When he is in Talavera, a man by the name of Vicente is brought before him because of him openly adhering to the Christian faith. After an interrogation, Vicente is ordered to be brought to the Temple of Jupiter and to sacrifice to the Roman God. Through miraculous intervention, however, a stone softens underneath his foot and he leaves behind a footprint. Scared by what they just saw, Dacian’s men bring Vicente back to his house, where is then given three days to decide whether he gives in and sacrifices to Jupiter or accepts to die for his faith. His sisters, Sabina and Cristeta, beg him to use the opportunity and flee with them in order to save his life. He gives in and the three soon travel to Ávila. While being pursued by Dacian’s soldiers, who had been given notice of their arrival by an informant. In consequence, the saints are captured, tortured and finally killed. The soldiers, to prevent a Christian burial, leave the bodies of the saints outside the city within a cave. However, in order to protect the bodies God sends a snake to guard the bodies. The lifeless remains of the three siblings are then discovered by a Jew, who, however, is immediately attacked by the snake. He turns to God and vows to return the bodies to Ávila and build a church and shrines for the saints if he is saved. The snake releases him and the Jew returns to Ávila with the bodies, where he converts to Christianity and fulfils his promises. The site consequently becomes a holy place, where the pious seek healing at the site of the saint’s bodies.

Figure 2 – The Shrine of San Vicente, Detail North side, Basílica de San Vicente, Ávila

6The visual programme of the shrine follows its textual source rather closely. The narrative begins on the north side, where the scenes, from left to right, show (Figure 2 and 3): Vicente before Dacian, the miracle of the footprint, Sabina and Cristeta beg Vicente to flee, Dacian ordering the pursuit of the saints, Dacian’s soldiers on their horses and Vicente, Sabina and Cristeta riding to Ávila. The last scene connects to one of the towers that frame the face side. The tower here becomes integrated into the narratives and turns into a representation of the city walls of Ávila. Indeed, the appearance of the towers resembles that of the towers at the city gate, that is directly visible from the Basilica. Furthermore, on top of this tower is a figure dressed in red that observes the saints’ arrival, likely the informant mentioned in the text. The story continues on the south side where it depicts the capture of the saints, the torture of the saints, the martyrdom, the Jew discovering the bodies, and the Jew building the shrines of the saints (Figure 4).

Figure 3 – The Shrine of San Vicente, Detail North side, Basílica de San Vicente, Ávila

Jews between convert and culprit

7The image of Jews, while following the textual source concerning the Jewish convert, also was expanded the most in the programme of the shrine. The convert is depicted in the scene of the discovery of the bodies with a blue tunic and a red coat and a red, lobed hat. The same hat was also used in the depiction of Joseph in the Adoration of the Magi. Indeed, this hat is similar to the Jew’s hat was frequently used in depictions of Joseph and other Old Testament figures. Joseph is depicted this way also at the tympanum of the church Nuestra Señora de la Asunción in Aheda del Butrón, at a capital in the cloister of Santo Domingo de Silos and at a capital of San Miguel in Estella. At a capital from Santa María la Real from Aguilar de Campoo, now in the Museo Arqueologico Nacional in Madrid, Joseph of Arimathea is depicted using the same visual marker. At Santiago de Compostela the prophet Isaiah is depicted similarly. This type of hat was not only used on the Iberian Peninsula as a marker for Jews but also in England and Flanders, where flat, round hats were used in the representations of Jews11.

8However, in addition to the convert, the central figure of the martyrdom scene is also depicted as a Jew, using the same visual markers (Figure 4). In the textual source, only Dacian’s soldiers are mentioned. Yet, on the shrine, the Jewish figure is presented as the main protagonist of the slaughter of the saints, whereas the Soldiers appear more like accomplices rather than as principal culprits. This figure furthermore appears to correspond to the one that is depicted on the western tower of the north side of the shrine, which is depicted observing the arrival of the saints (Figure 1)12.

Figure 4 – The Shrine of San Vicente, Detail South side, Basílica de San Vicente, Avila

9In addition, a figure that appears in Vicente before Dacian and in the miracle of the footprint may also have to be understood as a representation of a Jew (Figure 2). If compared to the others, his appearance corresponds closely clothing, head garment, facial features and prominent hair lock on the side of his hair are all the same. Yet the two figures that appear with this appearance in the first two scenes are depicted in different colours. However, the current paint is a reconstruction of the fifteenth-century polychromy of the shrine, rather than its original twelfth-century appearance13. This may suggest that the figures were misunderstood in a later period, but were originally designed to be the same character of the narrative: A Jew in the service of Dacian. This shows that the makers of the shrine largely expanded upon the involvement of Jews in the shrine programme by adding several Jewish figures that moreover are in opposition of the saints.

10These additions are likely due to what Eva Frojmovic calls strategies of disavowal. Frojmovic observes in the development of the representation of Jews in the imagery of the Invention of the Cross that with the increasing visibility of Jews in these depictions in the mid-twelfth century negative Jewish characters were more and more frequently inserted into these depictions14. She argues that they represent visual strategies that had a corrective function i.e. they were used to diminish the importance of Jewish protagonists or balanced positive depictions of Jews by presenting the audience with images of Jews that corresponded to negative stereotypes. Indeed, the insertion of additional Jewish figures has a similar effect in the programme of the Ávila shrine. The recognition of Christ as lord and saviour by one Jew is contrasted by the blindness of the others, and where the convert secures the bodies of the saints, the other Jew partakes in their murder. The programme communicates to the audience the story of the good Jew that saved the bodies of the saints, built their new home and converted, and therefore was an essential part in the history of the church and the cult. But it also uses the other Jewish figures to remind the audience that it was also Jews who were culpable for the saints’ death in the first place.

11If considered in relation to the local Jewish community of Ávila, there is no surviving evidence that suggests a particularly strenuous relationship between Christians and Jews. Indeed, the little evidence that exists gives evidence of cooperation or at the very least an uneasy tolerance15. In contrast, the depictions are more clearly embedded into the Anti-Jewish ecclesiastical treatises of the period. Indeed, several aspects that are depicted relate to the writings of contemporary scholars. As such the conversion of Jews was a repeated, and contentious, topic of debate. Peter the Venerable discusses the issue in his 1147 treatise Adversus Iudeorum inveteratam duritiem. He argues that miracles were one of the principal reasons for the spreading of Christianity and suggests that even if Jews were not convinced by ecclesiastical arguments, they should at the very least turn towards Christianity in the light of Christian miracles. A lack of Jewish conversion to Christianity when faced with miracles, for Peter, only provides evidence for a lack of rational thought16. However, Peter’s arguments were not shared by all. The story of Herman, the Jew, argues that miracle could not serve as a tool for conversion, as true conversion could only come from the power of faith within17. In the Tractatos de Incarnatione contra Judaeos, Guibert of Nogent argues in the recounting of a miracle that the lack of Jewish conversion through miracles was a sign of the Jews’ refusal to acknowledge the Christian truth and thus putting more blame on the lack of Jewish conversion than Peter18. Petrus Alfonsi takes on a slightly different approach on the matter, suggesting that the Rabbis do know that Christ was the Lord, but deny and mislead the other Jews, thus both arguing for denial and ignorance within different parts in the Jewish community19. The visual programme of the shrine reflects some of these thoughts on conversion. In the scene of the discovery of the bodies, the events that lead to his conversion, that is his release by the snake, are of a miraculous nature. In contrast, the figures bearing witness to the miracle of the footprint, one of them likely a Jew, despite seeing the miracle remain ignorant of its significance.

12Another frequent element in the shrine is that of seeing and not-seeing as representations of understanding and faith, or the lack thereof; imagery that became increasingly popular in the course of the twelfth century20. Peter the Venerable repeatedly addressed the blindness of Jews in his treatise Adversus Iudeorum21. Similar language is used by Petrus Alfonsi when he describes his own conversion and in his Dialogi and for his fictional opponent Moses, essentially a representation of his past self22. Similarly, a victory in a debate by Rupert of Deutz is described as an overcoming of darkness23. These writers conflate logic, reason, and understanding with the imagery of seeing and light. The blind Jew, or the not seeing Jew, thus becomes a representation for the idea that Jews lacked logic and the capability to comprehend the Christian Truth. This also coincides with a period when arguments of scholars moved away from being exclusively exegetical, but increasingly utilised rationalism, and thus wanted to emphasise the lack of logic on the side of Jews all the more24. These ideas of seeing and not-seeing can be observed in the martyrdom scene and the discovery of the bodies of the shrine. The depictions of Jews in the martyrdom scene and the discovery of the bodies directly contrast these ideas and emphasise them by presenting both scenes with the same overall composition. Whereas the Jewish culprit is turned downward and thereby turning his back to the angels carrying the souls of the saints to the heavens, the convert is looking upward towards the place where the angels were located in the previous scene. As the former is turned towards the physical realm, the bodies, and remains oblivious to the ascension of the saints above him, the convert gazes towards the heavens and sees. His vision of the invisible is used as a means to communicate his internal conversion, whereas the other Jew’s blindness to the visible emphasises his ignorance.

13The discussed parallels clearly show that the visual programme is embedded in the Anti-Jewish discourse of ecclesiastical writers of the period, even though there is no evidence that they were referencing one specific author. Rather, these authors and their treatises are part of the intellectual backdrop of the shrine’s programme that informed the images of Jews. However, despite this connection to contemporary thought, such images of Jews were not necessarily employed solely with the purpose to disseminate Anti-Jewish ideas, but rather they often served another purpose while simultaneously reflecting Anti-Jewish sentiments25. In the case of the shrine, this purpose is likely connected to the very nature of the monument.

The image of jews as authenticator

14Talking about the monument as a shrine, in fact, ignores certain problems surrounding it. Namely the fact, that there is no positive evidence that the relics of the saints were situated here. The relics were removed likely in 1062 and distributed between León, Valencia and Arlanza26. However, there is no information that confirms that they were returned to Ávila. Indeed, in the thirteenth century, the Archbishop of Toledo, Jimenéz de Rada, voices his own uncertainty regarding the location of the relics27. The relics are again mentioned in a seventeenth-century source that suggests that at least by the fifteenth century the relics were believed to be in Ávila. According to the account, the local Bishop checked to see whether the relics were still in place, only to be surprised by a red smoke coming from the grave. However, without a mention of whether he actually saw the relics.

15While textual sources remain unable to verify the location of the relics, the visual programme of the monument itself can give modern scholars an insight into how it may have been understood during the time of its making. The programme emphasises strongly to the viewer that the relics of saints were located at Ávila, at least at some point in the past. It does so especially in the final scene, in which the Jewish convert is depicted within a church building three sarcophagus-shaped shrines. The church in which the scene is situated, furthermore, resembles more the twelfth-century basilica of San Vicente rather than a fourth-century church, thereby creating a direct connection between the scene and the very church in which the audience would be located when looking at the image. This play on a church within a church is further heightened through the similarity of the monument and the basilica. It is thus an image of the church on an image of the church within the church. In a broader sense, relics are also central to the miracle of the footprint, which may be understood as a depiction of the creation of a tertiary contact relic. However, there are no records that a relic of the footprint of Vicente ever existed. Thus, the scenes, rather than referring to an actual relic, is used as a means to emphasise the validity of contact relics, that is objects that had touched the body of the saints. This would then in turn also include the very sarcophagus in which the bodies of the saints had been put to rest, as depicted in the last scene. The importance of the grave site as such is further supported by a figure that is carrying on of the arches on the west side. He is gazing slightly backwards, guiding the attention of the viewer, towards the grave slab underneath the monument. A second figure on this side directs the viewer's attention. One of the apostles on the small reliefs below the large sculptural group points towards Christ in Majesty, thereby guiding our eye to the figure of Christ. The west side is facing the nave from the east and would have thus likely been one of the most visible sides of the shrine for the congregation. The fact that, on the most prominent site, the figure of Christ and the grave slab are equally emphasised demonstrates the large importance that was given to the latter. This is supported by the aforementioned seventeenth-century account that relates how, when the Bishop Martín of Vilches wanted to verify whether the remains were still inside the shrine, a block of granite was removed from the tomb to check28. Thus, the programme communicates three things to the audience: 1) that the relics at some point were located here 2) the validity of tertiary relics and 3) that the grave slab has similar importance than the figure of Christ. In combination, these aspects may be understood as evidence that the visual programme of the shrine was used to emphasise the validity of the monument as a shrine and a holy site, even in absence of the relics.

16The image of Jews in turn also plays a role in this aspect of the shrine. Jews in twelfth-century texts and images became increasingly used to confirm the authenticity of miracles and events29. Rupert of Deutz’s Vita Heriberti from around 1120 employs figures of Jews in this manner. In the Vita, a Jew has the saw the same dream as Heribert’s father, but he does not understand the vision and considers it as a sign only of the worldly success of the new-born son rather than seeing the spiritual meaning. He is a witness to the dream of the father by sharing it, even though he is unable to correctly interpret its meaning. Sara Lipton suggests that the increasing use of Jewish figures in this way is connected to changes in the verification process of miracles, which was becoming more rigorous from the late eleventh century onwards. As outsiders and due to their role as a witness in the Passion of Christ, they were considered to be valuable observers of such events that confirmed their validity30. The image of Jews on the shrine was used in a similar way. In the miracle of the footprint they bear witness to the miracle despite their lack of understanding, they witness their martyrdom, and, in the case of the convert, bear witness the miraculous release from the snake, which leads to his conversion. These scenes thus use Jews to provide authenticity to the cult of the saints, and in extension, to the shrine as a holy object.

The shrine and the church exterior of San Vicente

17This validation of the shrine was all the more important due to its centrality within the visual programme of the basilica. Indeed, it appears that much of the external sculptural programme prepares and leads the audience to the shrine. The western portal especially has an immediate connection to the shrine (Figure 5). The portal is flanked by four apostle figures on each side and a figure of Peter and Paul on each side of the doorway. A sculpture of Christ as Salvator Mundi on the trumeau marks the centre of the portal. Above, a double tympanum depicts the story of the Rich Man and Lazarus. Atop the doorways the head of a bull and a lion on each side further frame the entrance. Above the portal, a frieze depicts numerous nude men and women. The overall concept of the portal corresponds to the concept of Christ as a doorway to salvation, based on John 10.9: «I am the door. By me, if any man enter in, he shall be saved»31. Indeed, much of the visual programme of the portal relates to ideas of salvation, and its negative, damnation: the image of Christ as Salvator Mundi, the oxen and lion capitals, the story of the rich man and Lazarus, and the nude figures above, which appear to represent the damned and the saved souls.

Figure 5 – Northern Portal, Basílica de San Vicente, Ávila

18Upon entering, this portal sculpture would immediately lead the viewer towards the shrine of San Vicente. From the western entrance to the nave, the viewer could see in the distance the sculpted image of Christ in Majesty. The figure is oriented in the same direction as the trumeau figure and almost on the same axis, the slight shift of the shrine on this axis is likely due to the need to build it directly over the gravesite of the saints, and it is thematically a direct continuation of the trumeau figure32. The same parallelism may also be observed on the openings of the arcades of the western face side of the shrine, which mirror the double doorways of the west portal. The church programme thereby creates an axis that begins at the trumeau, through the Christ figure on the shrine and the shrine itself and from there leads to the altar in the choir.

19The shrine’s Christ in Majesty is located on its west side, however, for a viewer coming from the western entrance it would be looking at them from the east, thereby referencing Christ’s second coming from the east. In addition, he is shown between two towers that visually resemble those of the Puerta de Vicente of the wall that surrounds the city of Ávila. Thus, as the audience enters the church they pass the Salvator Mundi on the Trumeau and the visual programme of the portal that focusses on salvation and damnation, and are then immediately confronted by Christ’s return on the shrine, which not only represents his second coming and his key role in the salvation of the souls of the audience, but also evokes the image of his second coming to Ávila specifically, and thereby of the Final Judgement of the audience.

20Similarly, there are direct connections between the southern portal and the shrine (Figure 6). This entrance is decorated comparably simple. Here, the jamb figures on the left represent the Annunciation and the figures on the right represent an unidentified king and two saints, though based on their style the figures of the saints are from an earlier date than the other sculptures33. The Annunciation scene thematically relates to the Adoration scene on the shrine. However, while in theory, it would make sense for the Annunciation scene of the portal to guide the viewer to the Adoration scene of the shrine, some practical issues complicate this view. When entering the church through the portal, is not possible to see the eastern side, where the Adoration is depicted. Indeed, the view onto this scene is limited, simply due to its accessibility. Only a small open space remains between the apse and the shrine, so that it is only possible to get a good view of the southern face side of the shrine from the central apse, or by standing in the small space between apse and shrine. Thus, even though the Annunciation on the southern portal and Adoration on the shrine are connected conceptually, practically, the audience likely had no opportunity to consider them in relation.

Figure 6 – Southern Portal, Basílica de San Vicente, Ávila

21The two figures of saints on the jambs on the right of the portal have been suggested to be representations of Vicente and one of his sisters, which may indicate that originally three sculptures were situated here. Indeed, representations of the three siblings on the portal could have been used as a means to attract believers to the site of their shrine34. This is supported by the fact that when entering the church from this portal, the viewer would see the shrine of San Vicente immediately, and directly be facing the images of their martyrdom and the construction of their first church and their shrines by the hands of the converted Jew. The shrine of the sisters Sabina and Cristeta, whose existence is only known through documentary evidence though three surviving sculptures that are now situated in the transept may have been part of it, was originally situated in the southern transept and would likely also have been visible to the audience when entering through this portal35.

22The basilica is located next to a plaza, just outside the city walls, next to the Puerta de Vicente, where its exterior programme was likely used to attract a faithful lay audience. This indicates that the portal sculpture would have been highly visible for passers-by, who likely often frequented this plaza on their way to or from the core of the city within the walls. Furthermore, the programmes of the two portals are comparably easy to comprehend and they do not make use of complex theological themes. As such, they were likely aimed at a lay audience rather than the learned clergy. This supports Daniel Rico Camps suggestion that the portals were meant to attract worshippers to the church36. Indeed, the overall connections between the exterior sculptural programme and the shrine suggest that the former was used to attract and guide the audience to shrine as the central element of the basilica, and thus encouraging the veneration of Vicente, Sabina and Cristeta.

Conclusion

23The discussion shows that the exterior of the church appears to have been designed in such a way that guided the audience straight to the shrine both spatially and thematically. This connection between exterior and interior emphasises the centrality of the shrine within the basilica as a whole. This suggests that the shrine was likely part of the plans for the site early on. Even though Jews and Judaism were not part of the exterior, the principal guidelines that steered the audience led them straight to the images of Jews on the shrine, thus making them a focal point of the programme of the church. The basilica was closely located to the traditional Jewish quarter, though Jews lived throughout Ávila by this point37. Therefore, it would be compelling to suggest that these images of Jews were also intended to influence the perception that the local Christian audience held of Jews. However, there is no evidence that would support this argument, and the overall lack of Christian-Jewish conflict in Ávila may suggest that the function of these images was limited to the support of the local cult of the saint. Here they functioned as a means to authenticate the validity of the site as a holy place. They simultaneously reflect common Anti-Jewish tropes, while also portraying a Jewish convert as an essential part of the foundation of the church and its cult. This two-sided image of Jews on the shrine fits into the overall development of the visual representations of Jews during this period, not only on the Iberian Peninsula but also in regions such as England, France and Germany, where it occurred around the 1160s38. This suggests that even though the living situation of Jews in Castile was not as precarious in this period as it was in these northern regions, the visual culture of the time shows similar characteristics, as it was likely more defined by its context-specific function and the ecclesiastical discourse on Jews and Judaism, rather than by the lived reality of Jews and Christians.